Today,
ladies and gentleman, I will be speaking about speaking about scholarly
predecessors in public speeches. Well, at least semi-public speeches, as I will
be dealing with the inaugural lectures of three 18th century
professors. Although they all were delivered originally to a limited academic
audience only, they were published in print afterwards and thus at least in
principle publicly available. (And of course I’m also writing and not speaking,
but although it sounds it like fun, I shall not spend any more time reflecting
on the inadequacies of metaphors for scientific discourse here).
Three orators, three inaugural lectures
Let me introduce today’s three orators now: Please welcome Albert Schultens (1686–1750) with On the springs from which all knowledge of the Hebrew language flows and their shortcomings and defects,[1] Jan Jacob Schultens (1716–1778) with Of the fruits of returning to theology from a deeper understanding of the Oriental languages,[2] and last but not least Henrik Albert Schultens (1749-1793) with On the labour of the Dutch in fostering the Arabic studies.[3] As you either know already or may have guessed by now, the similarity in names really points to a close relationship between these three scholars. They represent three generations of the same family, father, son, and grandson. They also represent three generations of scholars working within broadly the same discipline, which their contemporaries termed “Oriental Languages”, which was almost always blended with theology – as the title of Jan Jacob Schulten’s inaugural lecture directly captured.
How does that relate to forgetting?
So what is
the connection of these three lectures/speeches to my project? Well, first of
all they constitute a source type which I have not dealt with in my project
yet. Of course I have drawn on funeral orations, but these are hardly the same
kind of public speech act (and printed publication later on). So the first
question is how this medium may be related to what I am generally interested in,
the patterns of posthumous references to scholars and their fading. And the
second question obviously is which relation existed between the Schultens
family and my four protagonists whose patterns of fading I am especially interested
in.
To do it the easier way I’ll start with the second question: Albert Schultens, the first of the family to attain a professorial post, had been a pupil of Johannes Braun in Groningen, in 1706 defending a graduation thesis under Braun On the utility of Arabic in the interpretation of Holy Scripture,[4]as I already had pointed out in an earlier post. From Groningen he first moved to Leiden, then on to Utrecht where he became a pupil of Adriaan Reland, earning a doctorate in theology in 1709 with a thesis on a passage from the gospel according to Mark.[5] In 1713 he was appointed to the post of professor of theology at Franeker University. Albert Schultens thus was quite directly connected to two of my protagonists.
The lectures: 1714 – 1779
But is
there any trace of that in his inaugural lecture? If so, only a very small
trace. Schultens recurred once to Reland, when he listed “Hottinger (=Johann
Heinrich Hottinger, 1620–1667), Golius (=Jacob Golius, 1569–1667), Pocockius (=Edward
Pococke, 1604–1691), Relandus and other principal Arabists.”[6]
He much more prominently referred to Samuel Bochart (1599–1667). What is
remarkable in the passage on Reland, though, is that he was the only living
person referred to. Which was quite uncommon; usually only dead people were
explicitly mentioned in public academic orations. So while one could
tentatively assume that Reland was done a special honour here, it is quite
telling that Johannes Braun, who had presided over the graduation thesis in
which Schultens had already defended the argument that Arabic could be used to
illuminate Scripture, is not mentioned even once. Although he had been dead for
six years already.
When Albert
Schultens proposed the use of other Semitic languages to get a better grip on
Hebrew in 1714 this still was a new approach. When his son, Jan Jacob
Schultens, defended essentially the same argument – that “Oriental Languages”
where a profitable tool for the study of theology – in his inaugurational lecture
for the post of professor of theology in Leiden in 1749, it was no longer
revolutionary anymore, which might perhaps explain why Jan Jacob could make it
short; his oration was only a bit more than half as long as that of his father.
But it had the additional value of being solidly established by his father by
now, who had not only presided over his son’s doctoral thesis in 1742[7]
but who also seems to have attained the inaugural lecture of Jan Jacob. At
least his son addressed him in direct speech at the end in a paragraph
especially designed to underscore their familial and scientific relationship.[8]
And while Jan Jacob Schultens did not refer to any of the scholars his father
had mentioned as his predecessors, he also continued his line of not referring
to Johannes Braun. The punchline of this is that he did refer to Johannes
Coccejus,[9]
whose direct pupil Braun had been.
In 1779, when Henrik Albert Schultens, the son of Jan Jacob, held his inaugural lecture for the post of professor of Oriental Languages and Ancient Hebrew, he no longer had the problem of having to deal with any living predecessors. Not only where the scholars his grandfather had referred to dead for almost one century, both his father and grandfather were dead for quite a while, too. He capitalized on this for taking another turn on the topic of his father’s and grandfather’s lectures, in turning their approach to a discipline and referring the history of this discipline in Dutch universities. This was a clever move in two respects, as it possible for him to refer to his family history as the history of an academic field, and to use the memory of his ancestors to his advantage. He first of all referred to a set of 16th and 17th century scholars which included those mentioned in his grandfather’s lecture, adding some more international figures to compare the achievements of Dutch scholars against (and thus to capitalize on the growing discursive entanglements of national ideas and science). In doing so, he referred to Reland and, on the French side, also to Renaudot.[10] Building on that, he then turned to describing his grandfather as the founder of the new kind of Oriental languages studies he himself professed.[11] To protect himself from being reproached as exploiting his family history to his own advantage, to the end he used a curious rhetorical strategy and began to describe – quite elaborately – how much of a burden the legacy of Albert and Jan Jacob Schultens placed on him, and that he would do his utmost to match their achievements.[12]
Family’s the thing!
Although
from the example of Henrik Albert Schultens it seems that relying solely on
family tradition as a qualification for scholarship had become problematic in
the later 18th century, it still was preferable to ‘pure’
discipleship, the more so if both could be mixed, as in Jan Jacob Schulten’s
case, who could style himself not as only the genealogical but also the
intellectual heir of his father. This meant that scholars who were mentioned by
the founding father of the line in question had good chances to be carried
along and be referred to, as Reland was, more than half a century after their
death; but for those who were excluded at the start, such as Johannes Braun, this
meant that they were most likely to stay excluded. Structural forgetting in
this case presents itself a process only challengeable with difficulty, if at
all.
[8] Jan Jacob Schultens: Oratio inauguralis de Fructibus in theologiam redundantibus ex penitiore linguarum orientalium cognitione, Leiden: Luchtmans 1749, p. 26: „Speciatim Tibi, Parens Indulgentissime, qui inde a teneris unguiculis in sinu Tuo me fovisti, atque incredibili diligentia, prudentia, patientia, rudes pueritiae meae mores finxisti et emollivisti, quin asperiorem quoque adolescentiae indolem expugnatrice Tua bonitate fregisti, desideratissimum tenerrimae educationis et curae fructum inpense gratulor.“
[11] Ibid,
p. 40: „Unum tamen, Praestantissimi Commilitones, qui in Arabicis literis, sive
ad juvanda studia vestra Theologia, seu ad majorem ingenii culturam, operam
collocatis; unum igitur non possum quin vobis de Alberto Schultensio
commemorem, & maxime [41] ad imitandum proponam.“
Snippet from Adriaan Reland’s correspondence circles
Sunday, May 5th, for Friday n° 30
In search
for the web of correspondences in which my protagonists where situated I am
constantly challenged by the intricacies imposed on such a reconstruction
through source loss. Which is nothing very surprising, though. Once people are
dead for 300 years, it is rather more likely to find nothing than to find
anything at all, so every surviving piece of evidence is good first of all. And
from what is there normally a lot more may be reconstructed with greater or
lesser probability – which of course brings along other problems.
If I may elaborate on last week’s example of Adriaan Reland’s correspondence network, this provides a case in point. Most of Reland’s surviving letters are part of the correspondences of Gijsbert Cuper (1644–1716), the learned mayor of Deventer, who not only was a prolific letter-writer and networker but who also kept his letters; they have come down to us pretty complete. Apart from that, there are only some scattered letters in several European libraries, plus some in printed correspondences of other persons or as part of contemporary publications.
A – The directly
known network, or 15 edges
To begin
with the easy part: These are Reland’s direct correspondents as I know them
from shortly below 200 letters. Those connections are directly established as
people who exchanged at least one surviving letter with him. The list
encompasses one correspondent in France (Jean-Paul Bignon), one in the Holy
Roman Empire (Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze in Berlin), one in Switzerland
(Johann Baptist Ott), three in England (John Wasse, John Hudson, and Richard
Bentley), and ten – the rest – in the Netherlands. It also contains different
social fields: While eleven of these were scholars, two were printers (Halma
and Leers), and one a former student applying for a post as preacher (Johannes
Plevier). But fifteen contacts are almost nothing for a busy member of the
Republic of Letters – as 177 letters are also almost nothing.
B – The indirectly
known network, or 18 ghost edges
Now these
letters sometimes reference other letters as received, written, or forwarded to
someone else which I have not yet found in archival evidence but which are clearly
indicated as having existed, so that I may take the sources as containing
indirect proof of the connections established by these letters. This provides
me with a ghost network of another 18 correspondents, which is interesting in
so far as it contains almost the same differentiations on a regional level as
the directly known network but is socially much more homogenous. One ghost
correspondent is from France (Pierre Daniel Huet), two are from within the Holy
Roman Empire (Johann Hermann Schmincke from Hesse, Johann Burchard Mencke from Saxony,)
one was abroad outside Europe (Johannes Heymann in Damascus, Syria), five in
England (Heinrich Siecke al. Henry Sike, Gilbert Burnet, John Chamberlayne, Joshua
Barnes, and Cornelius Crownfield), one in Italy (Giusto Fontanini), and the
remaining nine in the Netherlands. But this time only one correspondent, namely
the publishing house Fritsch & Böhm in Rotterdam, was not a scholar. Some persons
were ‘only’ part-time scholars as the preachers Godefroy de Clermont and Paul
Collignon or Gilbert Burnet, the British politician and bishop of Salisbury, or
Reland’s younger brother Pieter who was a lawyer, but from the context it
becomes clear that they all are referred to in their respective capacities as
scholars. Before I dig deeper into the problems connected to this, first let me
introduce you to the even more shadowy parts of this network.
C – The conjecturally
known network, or, 16 ghosts of ghost edges
From
letters, publications, and other sources also third set of connections can be
postulated. These connections are not as clearly indicated by the sources as
the ghost edges just presented but may be inferred on the basis of
well-grounded speculation. As these connections are therefore by their very
nature elusive, let me tell you a bit of the reasons for me supposing them
interspersed in the same breakdown as I have given for the other two sets of
connections. Regionally divided, this third circle of connections contains 16
correspondents:
Three
correspondents in France: Antoine Galland, Bernard de Montfaucon, and Ludolph
Küster. Galland is mentioned by name and with forwarded letters in some of
Reland’s letters, as Montfaucon, but both are not explicitly mentioned as in
direct contact, and the same goes for Ludolph Küster, Royal Librarian in Paris.
Two
correspondents in Denmark, Otto Sperling and Matthias Anchersen. Anchersen was
professor of Arabic at Copenhagen university and a former pupil of Reland. In a
letter to Gijsbert Cuper from 1 November 1709 Reland quoted a longer poem dedicated
to Cuper and him by Anchersen, which may indicate a familiarity likely to be
kept up by communication.[1]
Sperling is mentioned several times in letters between Reland and Cuper and
seems to have been a correspondent of Cuper also; if this constitutes a
parallel case to that of de la Croze, Sperling might also have been in contact
with Reland directly.
Four
correspondents in the Holy Roman Empire: Christop Cellarius, August Pfeiffer, Otto
Mencke, and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. Reland had asked Cuper at one point to
bring him into contact with Schmincke and Leibniz,[2]
and with Schmincke at least this seems to have worked (see B). For Cellarius
and Pfeiffer the situation is similar: Reland had once asked Theodor Jansson
van Almeloveen for bringing him into contact with Cellarius and mentioned at
the same time that he was editing some of Pfeiffer’s work.[3]
Both might indicate direct epistolary contact but only on a conjectural basis. With
Otto Mencke it is a bit more difficult; as I have indirect proof of Mencke’s
son Johann Burchard Mencke being a correspondent of Reland, and as it seems to
be the case that Mencke junior inherited most of his contacts, especially the
Dutch ones, from his father, this would make it seem likely that Reland also
was in contact with him already.
And
another seven Dutch correspondents, for which I will now not go into detail for
each one. But, interestingly, this subset contains the only non-scholar contact
I suppose to have taken place at this stage. This is the contact to Johan
Adriaan Thierens, a former pupil of Reland’s whom he tried – successfully – to install
as preacher in Deventer by using his contacts to Gijsbert Cuper, the mayor of
Deventer. There are three letters extant in which Reland proposes Thierens for
the post, Cuper answers that he will be appointed, and Reland thanks Cuper for
doing so.[4]
But, having assembled these increasingly
shadowy layers of correspondents, what does this tell me?
Conclusions
First of all, out of 49 contacts only 15 are
directly established; 34 are indirectly or only conjecturally postulated.
Around 200 letters have survived from the 15 direct contacts, so that it may
safely be assumed that the full network might also have contained about thrice
that number at least. As the direct letters also are quite few to have survived
for a communicative member of the Republic of Letters for the number of
contacts, the final figure is likely to have been even higher. And as the 15
letters from directs contacts yielded 18 indirect proofs of connection, it may
be assumed that these 18 correspondences would have contained an equal amount
of such references. This would ideally serve to establish the remaining 16
contacts on a secure basis but might also point even further, for there are
many more people with whom Reland might have been in contact. This can be
inferred from connections such as those to Johannes Plevier and Johan Adriaan
Thierens, both of which were pupils of Reland on whose behalf he intervened
with authorities to provide them with posts. These are only two of his many
students, so it may well be the case that following this lead I would indeed
discover many more possible contacts. And that there is only one person related
to Reland in the whole sample, his brother Pieter, is making me suspicious
also; it seems that this part of the correspondence is likely to be missing on
a much larger scale than the scholarly part.
This is something which would hardly be surprising but which nevertheless needs to be pointed out here. Source loss is no random process. It rather favours certain kinds of materials and is prone to discard others much more readily. In Reland’s case, it is known from the auction catalogue that his library was auctioned off after his death on November 4th – 5th, 1718;[5] his manuscripts, which had been passed to his son, were auctioned off after the son’s death in May 1756.[6] That meant that those letters which Reland had kept as parts of his papers were on the market then at the latest, and those containing only family matters would likely have been discarded as of no worth to colleagues or collectors – and so could not end up in archives in the 19th century to be preserved until today. The same holds, by and large, for almost all of his other correspondents, rare exceptions such as Cuper nonwithstanding; and the letters to and from his publishers would suffer the same fate. Thus only a fraction of a part of the correspondence survived, that with fellow scholars, and that only selectively, too. Now the question is: Is this causing him to become structurally forgotten, or is it an effect of an early structural forgotten-ness? But this has to wait until next week. And before I forget: Here’s the complete circles all in one, just for sake of completness.
[1] Reland
to Cuper, Utrecht, 1 November 1709: KB Den Haag 72 H 11 CL 105 (1704-1709).
[2] Reland to Cuper, Utrecht 13 January
1710: KB Den Haag 72 H 11 CL 105 (1710-1716).
[3] Reland to Almeloveen, Amsterdam 19
August 1703: UB Utrecht RJ 008 (1703).
[4] Reland to Cuper, Utrecht 20 October
1714; Cuper to Reland, Deventer 12 January 1715; Reland to Cuper, Utrecht 15
January 1715: KB Den Haag 72 H 11 CL 105 (1710-1716).
[5] Anon.: Pars Magna
Bibliothecae Clarissimi & Celeberrimi Viri Hadriani Relandi, Professoris,
dum viveret, Linguarum Orientalium, & Antiquitatum Hebraicorum, &
Antiquitatum Hebraicarum in Academ. Ultraj. Continens diversi
Generis & Var. Linguarum Libros Exquisitissimos Theologos, Philologicos,
Patres
Ecclesiaticos, Philosophicos, Auctores Graecos &
Latinos, Antiquarios, Historicos, Lexicographos, aliosque Miscellaneos, inter
quos excellunt Atlas Blavianus, Item Thesaurus Rom. & Graecus Graevii & Gronovii, 24 vol.
Quorum auctio fijiet publica in aedibus defuncti ad diem 7 Novembri 1718. Patebit
Bibliotheca duabus ante auctionem diebus, nempe 4 & 5 Novemb. Trajecti Ad Rhenum, Apud Guilielmum
Broedelet. 1718. Ubi
Catalogi distribuentur, Utrecht: Broedelet 1718.
[6] Anon:
Catalogus bibliothecæ Joannis Relandi, ofte Register van eene uytmuntende
verzameling […] boeken, prent- en kaartwerken […]. Als mede een
munt-cabinet […]. Nagelaten door den heer mr. Jan Reeland […]. ‘t Welk
verkocht zal worden te Haerlem […] op den 3 mey 1756 en volgende dagen,
Haarlem: Enschede 1756.
Snippet from the Acta Eruditorum, June 1711 issue, p. 269.
Friday n° 29, April 25th, 2019
If being
remembered or forgotten is a function of reference frequency, of circulating
information, an obvious conclusion seems to be that if you want to be
remembered, you yourself should start circulating information lest you get
forgotten. In scholarly contexts, this basically means spreading the word about
what one is doing or has produced. This might in turn trigger references to you
and your publications, discoveries, theories or other achievements which in
turn might provide starting points for other references. Self-advertisement,
for this and other, more directly visible reasons, has been and is part and
parcel of academic communication. In network analysis, the reasons why such
attempts at self-promotion were successful or not is often explained or even
predicted by the structural features of the individual’s networks.
Shadowy
networks
But what
about the networks we are only partially able to reconstruct because of source
loss? In some cases, I know that there were connections but can’t say much more
about depth and nature of these connections because the source documents
necessary to judge this have been lost. Any network reconstructed under such
circumstances will be distorted, because the parts of it traces of which have
survived as documents will be privileged over those parts where this is not the
case. So what to do with the parts of the network which can only be traced as
shadows, as ghosts of nodes and edges that once were?
Self-advertisement,
done successfully
Let me
start with a small piece of circumstantial evidence with throws one such ghost
edge in my network of letters into sharper relief. In June 1711, the Acta Eruditorum published a small piece
of seven pages titled “On the manuscript commentary of Blessed Jerome which
exists in the library of Marcus Meibom in Amsterdam”.[1]
Most of the text was composed of excerpts from the manuscript in question, but
ahead of this the editorial board of the Acta
Eruditorum lost a few words on how they got the paper in form of a short
introduction:
“Lately the illustrious Adriaan Reland whom we already have given honourable mention in these Acta more than once has sent us some excerpts from a manuscript commentary on Job by [St.] Jerome, whishing them to be included in our Acta with the intention that scholars may by this specimen pass judgment on whether it is a genuine work by Jerome or not.”[2]
[Mencke]: De b[eati] Hieronymi commentario m[anu]s[cri]pto in Jobum, AE 30, June 1711, p. 269.
This
passage now not only fits in quite well with my overall framework of references
and their valorisation in scholarly circles. It also explicitly states what I –
based on studies such as that of Huub Laeven on the networks of Otto Mencke
(1644–1707) and his son Johann Burchard Mencke (1674–1732), the successive
editors of the Acta Eruditorum[3]
– already had suspected: that either Mencke sr. or jr., or both, were in direct
correspondence with Reland. Until now I just had no tangible evidence for such
a connection, as the letters of all parties involved, Otto Mencke, Johann Burchard
Mencke, and Adriaan Reland, have only fragmentarily survived. The letter
concerning the codex containing the work in question here, the commentary on
the Old Testament book of Job supposedly written by St. Jerome, the church
father, does not exist anymore (at least not to my knowledge). But the easiest
way to account for the passage just quoted is to assume that it indeed did
exist.
Ghost edges
As glad as
I am to finally have made sure that this particular ghost edge really existed, I
am nevertheless aware that the basic problem context underlying this discovery
has just become a bit more serious at the same time.
For on the one hand some of his surviving letters already point to Reland being a conscious and very active self-promoter who had a keen eye and good hand in picking opportunities to distribute his publications, and to this another distribution channel – that of the Acta Eruditorum – has just been added now. As there are quite a few “honourable mentions” of Reland by the Acta Eruditorum, like Johann Burchard Mencke wrote (or let write: as leading editor he has to be held responsible for anonymous texts in his journal), this prompts the question of how they were caused in the first place. As there are at least two letters by Reland to Jean-Paul Bignon (1662–1743), editor of the Journal des Savants in Paris, which deal with Reland sending Bignon his publications for distributing them amongst his French connections including review copies,[4] there is no reason to assume that something similar might not have taken place in his correspondence with the leading German scholarly journal as well as with its French model. This might seem to be supported by the rising reference frequency in the Acta Eruditorum concerning Reland between 1701 and 1711:
(Only the text pieces containing references to Reland are counted, not the total of references.)
The upward trend visible here might be taken as just the depiction of a young scholar’s rise of fame while making his way through academia. Reland had been awarded his first professorial post in Harderwijk in 1698/99, only to move to a more prestigious chair at Utrecht in 1700/01, publishing continuously. Or it might be an illustration of a correspondence successfully feeding the editorial board at Leipzig with relevant news and thus ensuring continuous reference to oneself. As I cannot say much more about the ghost edge than that it existed, but not for how long and how intensively it was used, the question has to remain open for now.
And on the other hand, the fragmentary state of the Reland correspondence has by now turned up quite a handful of such connections where there are either indications of direct correspondence and no surviving letters or one or two letters surviving, indicative of a communication channel which must originally have accommodated many letters more. As I already pointed out in one of my earlier posts, the correspondence between Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze (1661–1739) and Reland is only documented by three letters, all of which are no longer extant in the original. Given the close intersection of research interests between the two of them it is highly unlikely that there were not much more originally; but how could this be translated into a meaningful part of a network? The same is true for Johann Baptist Ott (1661–1744) the communication between whom and Reland is only evidenced by one printed letter in Reland’s second treatise on the Samaritan coins, as I pointed out here. It is also true for Marcus Meibom (1630–1711), the scholar whose manuscript was the reason for the note in the Acta Eruditorum which caused me to write this post in the first place. It is even true for another of my protagonists, Johannes Braun, as there are a few letters between him and Reland still extant but the bulk of Braun’s correspondence is also lost. This is by far no complete list, but I am determined to draw one up as far as this will be possible.
The
Chicken-and-Egg of Loss, Forgetting, and References
The
question posed by ghost edges is of course how they relate to forgetting. They
are clearly indicative of structural forgetting taking place, but in which way?
Their presence could be seen as a natural effect of processes of structural forgetting:
As someone fades from structural remembrance, his papers or letters become
devalued and thus more likely to be sold off, discarded, or altogether lost.
But their presence could also be the cause rather than the effect of becoming
forgotten: As the papers and letters of someone become sold off, were
discarded, or otherwise lost, materials are removed from the archival record
which might have triggered new references had they still been there, which in
turn leads to a drop in reference frequency and thus to structural forgetting.
This is a new variant of the ages-old chicken-and-egg problem, so I have go to
searching for additional factor which might help me figuring out if a
particular shadowy part of the network is a ghost edge chicken or a ghost edge
egg.
[1] [Johann Burchard Mencke]: De
b[eati] Hieronymi commentario m[anu]s[cri]pto in Jobum, qui Amstelodami in Bibliotheca
Marci Meibomii exstat, in: Acta Eruditorum 30, June 1711, pp. 269-275.
[2] Ibid, p. 269: „Misit nuper ad nos
Vir Cl. Hadrianus Relandus, cujus non semel honorificam in his Actis fecimus
mentionem, Excerpta quaedam ex Commentario MS. Hieronymi in Jobum, eaque Actis
nostris inseri cupivit eo consilio, ut eruditis hoc e specimine iudicandi copia
fieret, sitne is genuinus Hieronymi foetus nec ne.”
[3] Cf. Huub Laeven: Otto Mencke
(1644–1707): The Outlines of his Network of Correspondents, in: C.
Berkvens-Stevelinck, H. Bots, J. Häseler (eds.): Les grands intermédiaires
culturels de la république des lettres. Études de réseaux de correspondances du XVIe au XVIIIe siècles, Paris:
Champion 2005, pp. 229–256 ; —: “Dies ist wol ohne Streit die größte
unter denen Holländischen Public-Bibliotheken“. Johann Burkhard Mencke’s
bezoek aan Leiden in 1698, in: Omslag. Bulletin van de Universiteitsbibliotheek
Leiden en het Scaliger Instituut 4, 1/2006, pp. 1–3.
[4] UB Leiden BPL 885 – 052
(Rabault-Risseeuw): Adriaan Reland to Jean-Paul Bignon, Utrecht 13 June 1714
(19th century copy), and KB Den Haag 72 D 37, 11 A: Adriaan Reland to Jean-Paul
Bignon, 23 June 1714.
Voltaire: Le siècle de Louis XIV., tome premier (1785, p. 136).
Friday n° 28, April 19th, 2019
“Voltaire blaims him for having prevented Bayle’s dictionary from being printed in France. This is very natural in Voltaire and Voltaire’s followers; but it is a more serious objection to Renaudot, that, while his love of learning made him glad to correspond with learned Protestants, his cowardly bigotry prevented him from avowing the connection.”[1]
Chalmers’s general biographical Dictionary, vol. 26, 1816
Bad press,
good press
As it is
Good Friday, I wanted to get this week’s post out early as an advance Easter
surprise. Fittingly, this piece will cover an issue with a confessional nature.
And as I until now managed to avoid big names in my study of forgetting quite
well, I thought I’d deal with a rather well-known episode this time, because it
was connected – at least by Alexander Chalmers’s (1759–1834) dictionary, as you
just have read – to a quite big name also. In fact, to two of them: Pierre
Bayle (1647–1706) and François-Marie Arouet, better known as Voltaire
(1694-1778). Until now, both have only appeared in the margins of my project –
Bayle because he died before three of my protagonists, and Voltaire because
there were no direct connections between him and my four scholars, although he
was something of a contemporary to all of them. He was eight years old when
Thomas Gale died, and 26 at the death of Eusèbe Renaudot.
And it is precisely Renaudot who is in the center of today’s issue, as the polemic between him and Pierre Bayle concerning the Dictionnaire historique et critique might have had an impact on his posthumous reputation. At least in Chalmer’s dictionary it left a mark in the entry concerning him. The question now is: What does that mean in the context of forgetting? Isn’t bad press always good press? Should the connection to a work as prominent as Bayle’s Dictionnaire not be sufficient to hold a name in circulation, let alone if supplicated by Voltaire? Well, let’s have a bit of a look at that.
What
happened …
In 1697, Eusèbe Renaudot submitted a memoire concerning Pierre Bayle’s Dictionnaire on behalf of the court, because some Paris printers had applied for a royal printing privilege for a second edition of the book. Renaudot was called upon to examine whether there was anything suspicious in it; and he found enough things not to his liking that he advised against such an edition. Pierre Bayle, who already had been provided with a copy of the draft memoire by Pierre Jurieu, replied to Renaudot’s points, while Jurieu got the memoire printed.[2] In the meantime, Renaudot’s advise had been followed, and there had been no second French edition of the Dictionnaire historique et critique.
… and what was reported …
The entry on Renaudot in Chalmer’s The general biographical Dictionary I started from is closely modelled on French sources, however, most notably the entries on Renaudot in Jean-Pierre Niceron’s (1658–1738) Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes illustres dans la Republique des lettres[3] and in the later edition of Le grand dictionnaire historique originally edited by Louis Moreri (1643–1680),[4] as he duly acknowledged. Now Le grand dictionnaire historique – ‘the Moreri’, how it was commonly called – itself had Chalmers relied on a third source also, but I’m going into this only a bit later. First, let’s check the dictionaries he made use of.
Niceron’s 43 volume series on illustrious scholars featured a rather large entry on Renaudot, which also covered the issue of the memoire. Niceron stressed that Renaudot had drawn it up at the explicit request of the minister, had found things against religion in it, and had advised against a reprint. The memoire had fallen into the hands of Jurieu, Bayle had been furious, but after a fierce polemic both contrahents – as was quite usual in the late 17th century Republic of Letters – were reconciled again, and Bayle did not comment on the whole thing in the second edition of the Dictionnaire printed outside of France.[5] So far, the story closely matches Chalmers’s depiction of the events, only that he skipped the happy ending. Moreri’s dictionary, which had been especially designed to champion Catholicism, skipped the whole episode however; the entry on Renaudot makes no mention of it.
… and how it evolved …
This already predicted a pattern to be followed throughout the paper trail Renaudot left in the dictionaries. Some of these dictionaries would mention it, others would not; and most of them – as was quite customary at the time – would not indicate their sources. Even Chalmers did not fully disclose his sources for his entry, for it is more than likely that he copied at least the Voltaire part from the predecessor dictionary to his work, theNew and general biographical dictionary : containing an historical and critical account of the lives and writings of the most eminent persons in every nation, particularly the British and Irish, from the earliest accounts of time to the present period, which appeared in London in eleven volumes from 1761 to 1762. The anonymous author of the Renaudot entry could, this time, draw upon a source which had not been yet available as Niceron and Moreri’s editors had compiled their entries: Voltaire’s Le siècle de Louis XIV., which had first been printed in 1751, and which the New and general biographical dictionary now cited: “Mr. Voltaire says that ‘he may be reproached with having prevented Bayle’s dictionary from being printed in France.’ [Siecle [sic] de Louis XIV. tom. II.] »[6] Much more than that Voltaire really had not said about the whole affair (see snippet above).[7]
This might explain while other dictionary entries up to 1800 did not say much more about it, if they said anything about the episode at all. Nicolas-Toussaint Le Moyne Des Essarts (1744–1810) kept silent about in his Siècles littéraires de la France,[8] although it would likely have been the best place to put it. In John Watkins’ An universal biographical and historical dictionary, nothing about it was said in the Renaudot entry,[9] but only in the entry on Bayle Watkins wrote:
“The same year he formed the plan of his celebrated dictionary, the first volume of which appeared in 1695, and was uncommonly well received, though some parts of it were attacked by M. Jurieu, and the abbé Renaudot. […] He [Baile] was undoubtedly a man of brilliant parts, and of an acute intellect; but his religious principles appear to have leaned towards infidelity.”[10]
John Watkins: An universal biographical and historical dictionary, London 1800
… and why it was told that way
Precisely this
– that Bayle was in orthodox circles, Catholic as well as Protestant, still
suspected of the most dreadful crime imaginable, atheism – might have been the
case not to refer on Renaudot stopping a reprint of the Dictionnaire historique et critique which would have proliferated
Bayle’s ungodly sentiments, or if, to refer to it in a rather neutral way. As
Voltaire sometimes was suspected to be guilty of the same sin as Bayle, it
might have seemed prudent not to refer to him as an authority in the matter
also.
But shortly after 1800 this changed, at least for a while, and now one could read other entries in other dictionaries, as that on Renaudot of Thomas Morgan (n.d.) in the General biography, the 8th volume of which was printed in 1813, three years before Chalmer’s 26th volume went off the press in 1816, and which said: “It’s a circumstance which reflects no honour on his memory, that the unfavourable representations which he gave to the ministry, of Bayle’s “Dictionary”, were the means of preventing that work from being printed in France.”[11]
A shadow thrown on memory…
By now, suppressing Bayle had obviously become a stain on Renaudot’s memory. Morgan only did not elaborate upon how he came to that conclusion. But Chalmers did, and now it pays to have a look at the third of his sources, and that is Leonard Twell’s (+1742) The Live of the rev. and most learned Dr. Edward Pocock of the same year 1816 as the entry on Renaudot. To have a look at it means to read a – I am sorry to admit – really very long quote from this biography of the Oxford orientalist Edward Pococke (1604-1691), where Twell gave an account of the correspondence between Renaudot and Pococke in the preparation of Renaudot’s Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio[12]:
“In this epistle the writer professes a very high esteem for our author, desires the liberty of consulting him in all the doubts, that should occur in preparing the works above-mentioned, and promises, in return for this favour, to make a public acknowledgement of it, and to preserve a perpetual memory of the obligation. It is highly probable, that death prevented Dr. Pocock from giving any assistance to Renaudot in these designs; but I am sorry to say, that the treatment that learned person has given to the memory of our author has not been consistent with the expressions of respect for him, with which this letter abounds. For when he came to publish his Collection of Eastern Liturgies, forgetting his own professions, and the duty of a gentleman, a scholar, and, above all, of a Christian, he goes out of his way, in the end of his preface, to reproach him with a mistake, which, perhaps, was the only one which could be fastened upon his writings, though Renaudot, as above-mentioned, had, without good grounds, charged him with another; but the Abbot’s zeal against the Protestants got the better of his candour, and though he could treat the learned amongst them with civility in a private way, it was not, as it should seem, adviseable to observe such measures with them in the eye of the world.”[13]
Leonard Twell: The Live of the rev. and most learned Dr. Edward Pocock, 1816, pp. 339-340.
…or not?
The problem
with Renaudot now became that he seemed to have been a model fanatic Catholic,
dismissing protestant authors out of sheer bigotry regardless of their results,
and that this was now used by Chalmers to explain why Renaudot had voted
against Bayle: not for any scholarly reason but for blind (and most probably
misguided) faith only. Fittingly, Chalmers had been the editor of Twell’s Life of Pocock. But the religious issue
obviously only became pressing when it was used to throw a shadow on the memory
of an English scholar – Pococke – and only then turned into something that
could be used against Renaudot’s memory in return. At least theoretically. For obviously
at least in the world of dictionaries this episode – although it was connected
to famous persons, writings, and contained a juicy religious element – only spread
in English-language ones, and only for a while, until the middle of the 19th
century as I have been able to establish so far. In French-language
dictionaries on the other hand, if the affair was reported, it was reported
closely matching Niceron, and thus neutralized. But most of the time it was
just left out altogether. So in this case bad press was not good press in the
end, but no press after all; it failed to significantly boost Renaudot’s
frequency of reference in any way. This might have been due to the complex
entanglement of religion, language, and national sentiments at play here; but
this is something I have to have a closer look at still.
Happy
Easter!
[1] Anon: Renaudot (Eusebius),
in: Alexander Chalmers (ed.): The general biographical Dictionary containing an
historical and critical account of the lives and writings of the most eminent
persons, particularly the English and Irish, from the earliest accounts to the
present time (32 vols.), vol. 26, London: J. Nichols 1812-1816, pp. 140-141.
[2] [Pierre Jurieu (ed.)], [Eusèbe
Renaudot]: Jugement du public et particulierement de M. l’abbé Renaudot, sur le
Dictionnaire critique du sr Bayle, Rotterdam : Acher 1697.
[3] Anon: Eusebe Renaudot, in :
Niceron, Jean-Pierre (ed.): Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes
illustres dans la Republique des lettres (43 vols.), vol. 12, Paris : 1733,
pp. 25-41, and vol. 20, Paris: Briasson 1733, pp. 35.
[4] Anon: Renaudot (Eusebe), in: Moreri,
Louis (Founder): Le grand dictionnaire historique ou Le mélange curieux de
l’histoire sacrée et profane. Nouvelle et derniere édition revûe, corrigée et
augmentée (6 vols.), vol. 5, Paris : Vincent 1732, pp. 481–482.
[5] Anon: Eusebe Renaudot, in :
Niceron, Jean-Pierre (ed.): Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes
illustres dans la Republique des lettres (43 vols.), vol. 12, Paris : 1733,
pp. 25-41 ; here p. 39-41.
[6] Anon: Renaudot (Eusebius),
in: A New and general biographical dictionary: containing an historical and
critical account of the lives and writings of the most eminent persons in every
nation, particularly the British and Irish, from the earliest accounts of time
to the present period : wherein their remarkable actions or sufferings, their
virtues, parts, and learning are accurately displayed : with a catalogue of
their literary productions (11 vols.), London: Owen/Johnston 1761-1762, vol.
10, pp. 136-137; here p. 137.
[7] Jean-Jacques Tourneisen (ed.), Voltaire: Le
siècle de Louis XIV. Tome premier (=Oeuvres completes de Voltaire. Tome
vingtieme), Basel : Tourneisen 1785, p. 136.
[8] Anon: Renaudot, Eusebe, in: Nicolas-Toussaint
Le Moyne Des Essarts (ed.): Les Siècles littéraires de la France, ou nouveau
dictionnaire, historique, critique, et bibliographique, de tous les Ecrivains
français, morts et vivans, jusqu’à a la fin du XVIIIe. Siècle (6 vols.), Paris:
Des Essarts 1800-1803, vol. 5, pp. 372-374.
[9] John Watkins: Renaudot (Eusebius), in: —: An universal biographical and historical dictionary. Containing a faithful account of the lives, actions, and characters, of the most eminent persons of all ages and all countries; also the revolutions of states, and the successions of sovereign princes, ancient and modern. Collected from the best Authorities, By John Watkins, A.M. L.L.D., London: Philipps 1800, p. [760].
[10] John Watkins: Bayle (Peter), in:
Ibid., p. [136].
[11] Thomas Morgan: Renaudot, Eusebius,
in: John Aikin, Thomas Morgan, William Johnston: General biography; or lives,
critical and historical, of the most eminent persons of all ages, countries,
conditions, and professions, arranged according to alphabetical order (10
vols.), London: Robinson 1799-1815, vol. 8, pp. 506-507; here p. 507.
[12] Eusèbe Renaudot (ed.): Liturgiarum
Orientalium Collectio : Adjunctae sunt Rubricae rituales ex variis codicibus
Mss. collectae, & suis locis appositae (2 vols.), Paris: Coignard 1716.
[13] Leonard Twells: . The Live of the rev. and most learned Dr.
Edward Pocock, in: Alexander Chalmers (ed.): The Lives of Dr. Edward Pocock, the celebrated
orientalist, by Dr. Twells; of Dr. Zachary Pearce, bishop of Rochester, and of
Dr. Thomas Newton, biship of Bristol, by themselves; and of the Rev. Philip
Skelton, by Mr. Burdy, vol. 1, London: Rivington / Gilbert, 2 vols., 1816, pp.
1-356; here pp. 340-341.
References to Johannes Braun, Thomas Gale, Adriaan Reland, and Eusèbe Renaudot in 19th century biographical-historical dictionaries
Saturday, April 13th, 2019, for Friday n° 27
I must revise my own statistics a bit, I am sorry. But that’s what work in progress is like… Upon closer inspection, the figures I gave in For Knowledge and Country I and II don’t really correspond to the dictionaries of the time. Obviously 19th century dictionary authors were a bit generous in citing other dictionaries, sometimes giving the date of the volume they referred to, sometimes of the series, sometimes none at all. In the last case, all editions would have to be checked, which is a tiresome thing to do as some of these went into ten, twelve, sixteen editions one after the other.
Dictionaries & data
So I chose
another approach for the gathering of today’s data, which was to look at the
first edition and then only for those which were marked as “improved”,
“enlarged”, “augmented”, “corrected”, “entirely new” or with other such advertisements.
Then, after checking all those dictionaries being referred to in one of my
entries, I went on to check the principal dictionaries of the time or those
which seemed likely to contain entries to at least one of my protagonists.
This netted
me 60 biographical dictionaries for the 102 surveyed years from 1800 to 1900, a
slightly enlarged 19th century, 54 of which actually contained
entries for at least one of my protagonists. They spread over the respective
languages as follows:
English: 24 with entries, 5 without
French: 16 with entries, 1 without
Dutch: 10 with entries, 0 without
German: 3 with entries, 0 without
Latin: 1 with entries, 0 without
Spanish: 0 with entries, 1 without
And this
still is no complete list; but I am quite sure that I now do get the basic
patterns right, although the individual figures for single years may of course still
be subject to change. To prevent this from being an issue for the presentation
today, I summed up the references for five-year-brackets, as displayed above.
The 19th
century obviously was the encyclopaedic century: tons and tons of
encyclopaedias and dictionaries for each possible subject, of which I now only
perused the biographical/historical dictionaries, and even of these only a part
(adding more is on the to-do-list). Some of these were reprinted year after
year, then being reworked in greater or lesser part, and printed and reprinted
all over again. Printing encyclopaedias and dictionaries seems to have been a
well-working business, or else there would not have been so many of them. They
came in all sizes, from series of over 40 volumes issued over twenty years to
the one-volume variant advertised as the cheap alternative for everyone. The
late 18th century had developed the techniques and technologies
needed for setting up reference works, and the 19th century
capitalized these.
Dictionaries & developments
But what
was the effect of this flood of dictionaries on the circulation of references
to my protagonists? Two developments are easy to spot: On the whole, within
this special frame of reference circulation was kept up over almost the entire
century. And there seem to have been conjunctures: a first cycle from between
1800 and 1840, with its peak in the early 1830s; and a second cycle from the
1840s to the 1890s, with its peak in the 1870s.
Another development which I already have written about at length in the last two posts on this subject is less visible from the mere figures, and that is an increasing national bias within the medium. To be a bit more precise, there are actually two tendencies visible in the sources. There are more titles with a non-partisan approach, be it “An universal biographical and historical dictionary”[1], “Nouvelle biographie générale”[2], or “El Pantéon universal”[3], than more specialized ones. There might well be an economic reason behind that: Non-specialized dictionaries might cater to a larger audience and allowed for the inclusion of more material, thus producing larger series which then might produce proportionally larger returns. This was the more the case as for general dictionaries much of the contents were already available as established blocks of facts, even as established text blocks, which only were carried over from one edition to another, while producing a more specialized dictionary might well incur much greater preparation costs, as lesser-known or forgotten persons had to be researched into to be able to include them. In languages with a potentially global appeal, such as French or English, this tendency was even more pronounced. This might be seen as corroborated by the ten Dutch titles in my sample, which are all specialized for a Dutch audience, bearing titles like “Handwoordenboek der vaderlandsche geschiedenis”[4] (Pocket dictionary of national history) or “Neêrlands beroemde personen”[5] (Celebrities of the Netherlands). But, and that is the second tendency, even the titles advertising as universal in approach in fact catered to quite distinctive audiences, and most often plainly told so in their prefaces, as for instance “Cassell’s Biographic Dictionary“:
“”We have endeavoured in our selection to take care that the representative men of every age and country, in art and science, in thought and action, who have contributed to human knowledge and human progress, who have influenced humanity for good or for bad, shall find a place; and so, descending from the highest standard, we have sought to deal with those below it according to their importance, preferring always those of more modern times, of more civilised people, of more important states, of more contiguous countries, and those most connected with ourselves in blood, in polity, in social or commercial relations – in a word, to make the work especially interesting and instructive to Englishmen and all who speak the English tongue.”[6]
Cassell’s Biographic Dictionary, London/New York c.1867, Preface
Braun says goodbye…
That these two tendencies impacted the reference careers of my protagonists (at least within the universe of dictionaries) can be illustrated by the case of Johannes Braun, who was born in Kaiserslautern, Germany, in 1628 and died in Groningen, the Netherlands, in 1702. He was the first of my protagonists to be dropped from many of the more universal dictionaries, which might be for reasons of only including persons “most connected with ourselves in blood, in polity, in social or commercial relations”, as Cassell’s dictionary had put it. Adriaan Reland, who had among other things been a member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, was frequently referred to in English-language dictionaries in exactly this capacity (if the entry provided for enough space), something which was almost never alluded to in French, Dutch, or German works. But a part of the answer why Johannes Braun was dropped might also be his unclear national status, which was a problem for his inclusion in many of the more special dictionary. Both Mathieu Delvenne’s “Biographie du royaume des Pays-Bas, ancienne et moderne”[7] as Jacob Willem Regt’s “Neêrlands beroemde personen” excluded him from their pages because he was not born in the Netherlands, whereas the “Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie”[8] chose not include him for reasons unknown, but perhaps partly because he left “Germany” at the age of seven and the Holy Roman Empire a few years later, to settle in the Netherlands. Not all specialized Dutch dictionaries excluded him for such formal reasons, though, and that there were quite a few of them between the 1840s and 1860s explains the figures he scored for dictionary references in these years. But once such works were no longer frequently published since the late 1860s, references to Braun became less and less common, with scattered peaks every few decades and silence in between; he was the first of my four to become structurally forgotten within the dictionary framework, even though it took quite a while for him to say goodbye.
[1] John Watkins: An universal
biographical and historical dictionary. Containing a faithful account of the
lives, actions, and characters, of the most eminent persons of all ages and all
countries; also the revolutions of states, and the successions of sovereign
princes, ancient and modern. Collected from the best Authorities, By John
Watkins, A.M. L.L.D., London: Philipps 1800.
[2] Hoefer, Jean Chrétien Ferdinand
(Hg.): Nouvelle biographie générale : depuis les temps les plus reculés
jusqu’á nos jours, avec les renseignements bibliographiques et l’indication
des sources à consulter, 46 volumes, Paris : Didot frères 1852-1866.
[3] Yguals de Izco, Wenceslao, Sebastián Castellanos, Basilio (Hg.): El
Panteón Universal : diccionario histórico de vidas interesantes, aventuras
amorosas, sucesos trágicos, escenas románticas, lances jocosos, progresos
científicos y literarios, acciones heróicas, virtudes populares, crímenes célebres
y empresas gloriosas de cuantos hombres y mujeres de todos los paises, desde el
principio del mundo hasta nuestros dias, han bajado al sepulcro dejando un
nombre immortal, 4 volumes, Madrid : Ayguals de Izco hermanos 1853-1854.
[5] Regt,
Jacobus Wilhelmus, Neêrlands beroemde personen, naar hunne geboorteplaatsen in
aardrijkskundige orde gerangschikt en beknopt toegelicht, Schoonhoven 1869.
[6] Cassell’s biographical dictionary;
containing original memoirs of the most eminent men & women of all ages
& countries, London/New York: Cassel, ca. 1867, preface, p. [1].
[7] Delvenne, Mathieu: Biographie du
royaume des Pays-Bas, ancienne et moderne, ou Histoire abrégée, par ordre alphabétique,
de la vie publique et privée des Belges et des Hollandais qui se sont fait
remarquer par leurs écrits, leurs actions, leurs talens, leurs vertus, ou
leurs crimes, extraite d’un grand nombre d’auteurs anciens et modernes, et
augmentée de beaucoup d’articles qui ne se trouvent rapportés dans aucune
biographie, 2 volumes, Liege: Desoer 1828-1829.
[8] Historische
Commission bei der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (ed.): Allgemeine
Deutsche Biographie, 56 volumes, München/Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot
1875-1912.
Two Samaritan coins from the collection of Jacob de Wilde, depicted by Maria de Wilde in: Adriaan Reland, Dissertatio altera de Inscriptione Nummorum quorundam Samaritanorum, Utrecht: Thomas Appels 1704.
Friday n° 26, April 5th, 2019
I have
touched upon many topics in this blog so far, but gender has not been one of them
yet. Not because gender does not play a role in here but because it is – alas –
very hard to tackle which role precisely given the circumstances of my project.
How to find women?
First of
all, it suffers from the near-universal male bias in intellectual history,
history of knowledge, and history of science. Although there have been many
attempts to break this male gaze and to also focus on the roles of women in
academia for the past centuries, these studies are still isolated in so far as
they highlight particular individuals – and because none of these plays into
the circles of my protagonists, as far as I can see at the moment, I am a bit
lost there. All I can do is try to check my data for the more general patterns
of including women and their contributions into academic information circulation.
But as the history of knowledge and scholarship in the 18th, 19th
and early 20th centuries, which is where most of my sources and data
come from, most of the time just silently passed over female contributions of
all kinds, I only very rarely am able to substantiate the scattered findings in
my sources with more specific information which would point me to further lanes
of inquiry.
How to deal with those women found?
Second, there
are only scattered findings: my protagonists themselves have left only few
traces of their female connections, most of them pertaining to their family
life. This was not only their fault. Much of it is due to the ways in which the
source materials available today were produced, traded, and ultimately kept, which
were quite unconducive to transmit materials connected to women. The surviving
letters of all of my protagonists were not directly filed into institutional
archives at their death – which is where they are kept today -, but rather
passed on privately by inheritance and sale before being donated to or bought
by the institutions in possession of them now. While inheritance processes would
be favourable to conserving materials connected to women for family reasons, generally
spoken they are less favourable to preserve materials connected to women
outside of domestic affairs. One might well keep letters and documents dealing
with one’s female ancestors or relations, but might accord less value to such
materials dealing with female artists, or perhaps even with women engaging in
scholarly pursuits. The selections involved in selling the papers of a dead
scholar would, on the other hand, be less favourable to materials ‘only’
connected to his (as my protagonists are all male) domestic affairs and
relations, as they were for long, and sadly still are sometimes today,
considered of minor if any importance to scholarly matters. Autograph
collectors would prize letters from famous scholars to other famous scholars
but in general be less interested in those materials dealing with less
prominent figures, which in their eyes normally applied to women. In both
processes, inheritance and sale, some source materials which I would really
like to have at hand to provide me with information about the gender dimension
in my protagonist’s academic world are likely to have been deselected from
being passed on, and as both processes happened in the transmission of these
materials, sometimes more than once, this has geared the sources available into
a perspective which is hard to overcome.
With official
documents it is quite the same; the female contacts figure in these most
prominently in domestic matters (contexts such as birth, death, marriage,
inheritance) if they are in them at all. And not all documents of such interest
are still available.
From 1.838 to 74
But all
these restrictions and biased perspectives aside, what do I have got concerning
women so far? If I take a look at my database, the figures are not very
encouraging: Of 1838 persons in there (as of today), only 74 are female, or a meagre
4 %. Of these 12 modern-day female scientists have to be deducted, leaving me
with 62 women mentioned in my sources.
From 74 to
30
If I now also
deduce all those who only entered as historical figures, that is, wifes,
mothers or sisters of scholars from generations preceding my protagonists, I am
left with 30 women for which I recorded anything between 1650 and 1750. Compared
to 1128 men for which I have anything recorded for that period, the figure
dwindles down to 2.6 %.
This
imbalance is of course to be lamented from a point of view concentrating on historical
justice. It is quite clear that these numbers are likely not to be accurate in
terms of intellectual contributions. Those case studies that we have indicate
that women could be involved in academic intellectual production in various roles,
at almost each stage of the process, and that their contributions are not to be
seen as negligible. There surely is a lot of unacknowledged female labour that
went into the publications and discussions featuring my protagonists. But my
interest in this particular case of research is not so much in discovering or
restoring such female contributions, although this would be a fascinating topic
in itself. As I am trying to make sense of processes of structural forgetting
here, I take these heavily gender-biased data as a fact in its own sense, and a
noteworthy one at that.
Because I
have not consciously tried to avoid women in my research, the reason that their
presence in the database is so low is not due to my bias but to the source
material’s bias. The co-citation approach I am pursuing means that I collect
references to persons who are not my protagonists based on three criteria:
these persons are referred to on the
same page as one of my protagonists and/or one of his publications
these persons have contributed to a
publication cited on the same page as one of my protagonists and/or one of his
publications
these persons are necessary to
construct the relationships between other persons in the database.
From 30 to
3
The bias in the database now originates from the fact that women are, throughout my sources, almost completely blended out from categories 1) and 2). This results in most women who are in database being entered by way of category 3), that is, they are needed – as wifes, mothers, or sisters – to complete family relations between persons from categories 1) and 2). And while I am convinced that such relations played a vital role in the social formation of early modern academia, it is very difficult to reconstruct them without recourse to primal source material (if it exists), as secondary literature has much too often been silent about kinship ties of academics, too. And if they are acknowledged, this is seldom done in the form of giving concrete references to individual women, such as names, birth and death dates and other information which would come in handy for my purposes, but most often in the form of “X, who was married to the daughter of Y, …”.
So if I now
again deduce all women which only are referenced in my database via kinship
ties from the 30 women left for the century between 1650 and 1750, I am down to
three.
From 3 to 2
The three women who are actually being co-cited with my protagonists in my sources upon closer inspection narrow down to two, because one is the formidable and inescapable Madame Dacier (Anne Dacier, née Le Fèvre, 1654-1720). This is not to belittle her considerable achievements but shall only be taken to mean that she was part and parcel of the discourse about the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes, and it was in that context that she was co-cited together with Thomas Gale and 53 other scholars in the October 1734 issue of the Journal des Savants (see here).[1] This rather heavy case of name-dropping does not serve to indicate any deeper connection between Dacier and Gale but rather testifies to both being part of the same epistemic community, in this case of the Anciens party. As this was a rather large community, shared membership only points to some shared assumptions and thus to a purely topical relation.
With Anne Dacier thus deducted, only two women remain who are mentioned in a closer kind of connection to one of my protagonists. These two ladies are Maria de Wilde (1682-1729) from Amsterdam and Anna Waser (1678-1714) from Zürich. Both are not only mentioned in connection to the same of my protagonists, Adriaan Reland (who seems to become kind of inevitable within this project, too), but also by the same source: The June 1705 issue of the Acta Eruditorum (see here). The references were part of the review of Reland’s second treatise on the coins of the ancient Samaritans, the Dissertatio altera de Nummorum quorundam Samaritanorum of 1704 (see here for the whole review).[2] In fact, they were both mentioned together in the closing lines of the review:
“That those [coins] of Reland’s the most excellent maiden, Maria de Wilde, from her father’s[3] collection most elegantly depicted, as Anna Waser, great-great-grandchild of Caspar Waser[4], this posthumously most laudable man, those of Ott;[5] therefore our Reland has finished his little work with two poems in praise of de Wilde’s very excellent artworks, and what more could be remembered in Ott’s letter, will be set aside for another time and leisure.”
Acta Eruditorum 34, 06/1705, pp. 284-285.
Two Samaritan coins from the collection of Johann Rudolf Waser depicted by Anna Waser, in: Adriaan Reland, Dissertatio altera de Inscriptione Nummorum quorundam Samaritanorum, Utrecht: Thomas Appels 1704.
A familiar pattern…
The pattern visible here is a familiar one. Both “the most excellent maiden” Maria de Wilde and her obviously as praiseworthy fellow female Anna Waser contributed the engravings for Reland’s dissertation and Ott’s reply to it. Both were daughters of well-connected men in their respective communities: Jacob de Wilde, a collector of arts and antiquities of international renown, and Johann Rudolf Waser, city official and chief warden of Zürich’s Grossmünsterstift. Both excelled in painting and drawing and were given a good education in these crafts, and through their father’s contacts were introduced to scholars who then utilized their services for making their arguments. Although both of them were close contemporaries of Reland – Anna Waser was two years younger, and Maria de Wilde six years – they served as illustrators at a time when Reland had already advanced to a professorial post in Utrecht. This compares well to the biographies of other scholarly active women of the time, the most prominent example surely being Maria Sibylla Merian (1647-1717). Unlike Merian, Maria de Wilde ceased publishing with her marriage in 1710; while Anna Waser never married and advanced up to the post of court paintress to the count of Solms-Braunfels for three years, 1700-1702, before returning to Zürich where she quit painting around 1708 for unclear reasons.
…and an all-too familiar conclusion
Regardless of their achievements, apart from one scattered reference I have been able to find so far their activities were simply glossed over by contemporary academic publications which were written by men for men. A prime factor for being removed from circulation and thus becoming structurally forgotten obviously was gender. If you were a woman, your chances to be forgotten very soon were 25 times higher than that of a random male scholar of your age bracket.
Richard A. Davenport: A dictionary of biography : comprising the most eminent characters of all ages, nations, and professions, London: Tegg 1831, title page.
Sunday, March 31st, 2019, for Friday n° 25
Two weeks ago I announced here that I would devote a bit more attention to the interplay between the national provenance of biographical dictionaries and their content matter in the 19th century. I do have to start this post with an excuse because I could do only half this task. I only did the early 19th century for starters (52 years to be exact, 1800-1851), and this already got me behind schedule again.
But at
least some things have become visible in paying closer attention to
biographical dictionaries from this half-century. The first, and hardly
surprising, observation to be made is that the content matter, the biographical
information as presented within these works, is fairly stable. At least
concerning my protagonists these entries are not the fruit of original research
but are copied, sometimes verbatim, from 18th century dictionaries
and encyclopaedias. Given that these works were aimed at a wider public, this
was a completely rational and economic way to proceed. In most cases this means
that the size of a particular dictionary was not so much determined by the length
of the individual entries but by their number. Only in very condensed works,
those which only featured one or two volumes, a biography would be heavily
pruned. Much more often it was the selection of biographies, and not the
selection of passages within biographies, which made the difference between a
four- and a twenty-volume dictionary. That in turn means that any conscious
framing of the complete edition would again rest on the selection of the
biographies to be included rather than on rewriting the biographical materials themselves.
There are
exceptions from this general rule, of course. In Alexander Chalmers’ “The
general biographical Dictionary containing an historical and critical account
of the lives and writings of the most eminent persons, particularly the English
and Irish”, published in London between 1812 and 1817, Chalmers not only
selected a larger share of English and Irish biographies as common in general
biographical dictionaries to keep his promise from the title but also added to
them in length. At least this might be concluded from the sample of my
protagonists he featured: While the dictionary included Thomas Gale, Adriaan
Reland, and Eusèbe Renaudot, it devoted four pages to Gale and two pages each
to Reland and Renaudot.[1]
On average their respective entries do all have roughly the same length within
the same dictionary. But Chalmer’s work ran to 32 volumes in the end, so there
was no need to be economic in terms of print space.
The next
thing that struck me was that so many of these dictionaries were of British
origin. Of the 21 dictionaries surveyed for this post, 12 were written in
English, compared to four in French, three in Dutch, one in German and one in
Latin. This might well just be a bias in the sample that was caused by me
following the references in those dictionaries and publications I had already
collected for the last post, but it may also just point to the fact that in the
early 19th century Great Britain presumably would have had more
people willing and able to buy such a book, or series of books, than
continental Europe which first had to cope with the impact of the Napoleonic
Wars and then with its lagging behind in industrializing. But although the
selections of biographies presented by dictionaries of the sample so far looked
at here do not seem to have been much impacted by this provenance. At least
Thomas Gale does not pop up with a frequency which seems over-exaggerated in proportion
to half the dictionaries being English ones.
My protagonists as referred to in biographical dictionaries and encyclopaedic works, 1800-1851
So what
does this tell me? First of all that there seem to have been long-time cycles
on the book market, and what is captured by this graphic would be the cycle
between roughly 1790 and 1840, with a peak in the 1830ies. The second half of
the century would bring the national biographical dictionaries undertaken as
state projects, and show a somewhat similar pattern reaching its apogee around
the 1880ies. In the 18th century there are quite similar patterns,
at least judging from my current state of research.
And,
second, that national framings became more closely entangled with the framings –
and selections thus prompted – of the content matter these dictionaries
presented to their readers. The year I started with, 1800 (yes, that is the
last year of the 18th century in proper reckoning), quite
symbolically contributed two titles to the list: Francis Godolphin Waldron’s “The
biographical mirrour, comprising a series of ancient and modern English
portraits” on the British and Nicolas-Toussaint Le Moyne Des Essarts’s “Les
Siècles littéraires de la France, ou nouveau dictionnaire, historique,
critique, et bibliographique, de tous les Ecrivains français, morts et vivans,
jusqu’à a la fin du XVIIIe. siècle” on the French side of the channel, both
clearly framed to accommodate a ‘national’ selection of biographies. Fittingly,
Waldron of my protagonists featured only Thomas Gale,[2]
while Des Essarts in turn showcased only Eusèbe Renaudot.[3]
This tendency in turn directly influenced the chances of certain types of
scholars to be referred to, and thus being structurally remembered, through
works of this kind.
A case in point is Johannes Braun, who only belatedly begins to make an appearance in these dictionaries at all, compared to the other three. This might well be at last partly due to problems in filing him adequately within a national reference system: Born in Kaiserslautern in 1628, he fled from the city with his mother in 1635 during the Thirty Years War, became preacher of the French Reformed Church in Nijmegen for quite a while, and finally got the post of professor of Theology and Hebrew at Groningen University in 1680; he wrote in French and Latin. Was he now to be considered German, French, or Dutch? A bit of everything, or nothing at all? In Mathieu Delvenne’s 1829 “Biographie du royaume des Pays-Bas, ancienne et moderne”, Braun was not included (while Reland was[4]).
This was due to the fact that Delvenne, although he nowhere stated it explicitly, only acknowledged persons in his dictionary who had been born on soil which now was part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. And this in turn was due to his explicit intention, as stated in his preface, to instill a love for this their fatherland into Belgians, particularly young students, by presenting them examples from their glorious past.[5] Delvenne’s attempt at nation-building obviously came a bit too late, as in 1830 the Kingdom of the Netherlands broke apart into nowadays Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxemburg, but it captures quite well the overall spirit of these collections. Even those which called themselves “General” or “Universal” still privileged a certain nationally framed point of view, with the sometimes implicit, but more often quite explicit, aim to create patriotic sentiments and promote national honour and glory.
[1] See Chalmers, Alexander: The
general biographical Dictionary containing an historical and critical account
of the lives and writings of the most eminent persons, particularly the English
and Irish, from the earliest accounts to the present time, vol. 15, London: J.
Nichols 1814, pp. 221-224 (Thomas Gale); vol. 26, London: J. Nichols 1816, pp.
131-133 (Adriaan Reland) and pp. 140-141 (Eusèbe Renaudot).
[2] Francis Godolphin Waldron:
The biographical mirrour, comprising a series of ancient and modern English
portraits, of eminent and distinguished persons, from original pictures and
drawings, Vol. 3, London: Harding 1800, pp. 18-20.
[3] Nicolas-Toussaint Le Moyne Des
Essarts: Les Siècles littéraires de la France, ou nouveau dictionnaire,
historique, critique, et bibliographique, de tous les Ecrivains français, morts
et vivans, jusqu’à a la fin du XVIIIe. siècle, Paris: Des Essarts 1801, Vol. 5,
pp. 372-374.
[4] Mathieu Delvenne: Biographie du
royaume des Pays-Bas, ancienne et moderne, ou Histoire abrégée, par ordre
alphabétique, de la vie publique et privée des Belges et des Hollandais qui
se sont fait remarquer par leurs écrits, leurs actions, leurs talens, leurs
vertus, ou leurs crimes, extraite d’un grand nombe d’auteurs anciens et
modernes, et augmentée de beaucoup d’articles qui ne se trouvent rapportés
dans aucune biographie, Vol. 2, Liege: Desoer 1829, pp. 290-291.
[5] Delvenne, Biographie du royaume des
Pays-Bas, Vol. 1, Liege: Desoer 1829, p. [ii] : “Il [le rédacteur,
i.e. Delvennes] se trouvera assez récompensé dans ses longs efforts, si son
livre contribue à inspirer aux Belges, et surtout à la jeunesse studieuse qui
peuple nos écoles, l’amour d’un pays qui a tant de droits à notre
reconnaissance. Il a cru qu’il ne pouvait mieux employer ses loisirs qu’à la
composition d’un ouvrage vraiment national.”
Philip Sydenham to Thomas Hearne, Brympton St Every, 23 May [1725?] (Bodleian Library, MS Rawls letters 15, f. 473-474)
Friday N° 24, March 22nd, 2019
I have been writing about the entanglements between lexicographical biographic memoralization and national ideas in my last post and had originally announced going further in this direction only in next week’s post. As I was in Oxford for archival research at the Bodleian library to consult correspondences I had not awaited to find anything in there fitting this thread of investigation of my sources. But sometimes one’s in for a bit of a surprise, and so I might try to connect some of my findings in these letters to the theme of national framings of knowledge.
Last week I
already observed that British dictionaries and encyclopaedias where going for
the national label early in the 19th century. This of course
provokes the question whether this was a new development, coming out of the
blue, or something which might be connected to longer-running
developments.
The introductory
clipping from Philip Sydenham’s (c.1676-1739) letter to Thomas Hearne
(1678-1735) points in the latter direction. In his letter, Sydenham complements
Hearne to his edition of the itinerary of John Leland (c.1506-552);[1]
the full passage runs:
“I hope y[ou]r publick Services for ye Honor & good of this Nation will receive publick approbation. this will be one m[anu]s[cript] to preserve & recover our old Noble Constitution many very valuable M[anu]s[cript]s deserv ye publick reading & encouragment & I hope y[ou] will proceed. ye more ancient ye more brave & Noble.”[2]
Sydenham
thus entangled the antiquarian pursuits of Hearne’s, who was an avid editor of
medieval manuscripts besides being librarian to the Bodleian library, with the
national “Honor” in two ways, on the one hand by the scholarly value of his
results and their potential of contributing to a better “publick” understanding
of the nation’s past, and on the other hand by linking this more directly to
the conditions for being a nation, to “our old Noble Constitution” to be
retrieved this way. While this way of searching the origin and the primordial
good laws of a community in the past was entirely in keeping with early modern
conceptions of how time and historical research operated, the appeal to “publick
approbation […] reading & encouragment” is somewhat more unusual and
already seems to point to later developments in constructing national
identities on a larger scale.
But
Sydenham had more to offer still. In the next paragraph, he directly linked
Hearne’s other professional activities, that as a librarian, both to the
advancement of learning in general – as was a fairly common topos – and – a
less common inflection –, to national honour also:
“I am glad [that] y[ou]r Library (=the Bodleian) is daily improving. it is so much for ye Honor of ye Nation, & interest of Learning.”[3]
The three
intersecting topoi of interest here, from the perspective of my project, are 1)
‘Fighting Oblivion’, 2) ‘Advancement of Learning’, and 3) ‘National Glory’. To
see how this affects my protagonists, of whom there has been no mention yet in
this post, I’ll have to take you to another of Hearne’s editions, the
development of which was indeed coupled to the Leland volumes Sydenham already
praised.
In 1716, Roger Gale (1672-1744), eldest son of Thomas Gale, approached Thomas Hearne in the same way as Sydenham would do nine years later, by complementing him on his just published Leland edition. The real aim of the letter was something else, though. Gale wanted to secure Hearne’s editorship for a manuscript in his possession, the Scotichronicon of John of Fordun (or Ffordun, c.1320-c.1386), which already had been partly edited by his father.[4] Hearne willingly accepted Gale’s offer of providing him with the manuscript and every assistance necessary for the edition and publication of the chronicle.[5] Both entered a long-drawn out process of working on the edition in which Roger Gale was constantly checking on Hearne to ensure the progress of the work, to provide him with colligations from other manuscripts, and helping him to gain enough subscribers for publication, he himself taking 20 copies.[6] When in 1722 the Fordun edition finally went to the press,[7] the Gale family was highly pleased with the result.
First, it
represented a success in the endeavours of both Roger and his younger brother Samuel
Gale, who both had been founding members of the Society of Antiquaries in 1718,
in fighting oblivion. To do so represented a recurrent thread in their
discussions of all fields of research they were actively engaged in, and print
seemed a convenient way of doing it. When on February 25th, 1723, Samuel
Gale held a speech before the Society of Lincoln, he spoke about the benefits
of engraving:
“Give me Leave, Gentlemen, to Congratulate ye latter age on this Noble Invention, this Beneficial Discovery, and which alone seems to surpass all the great Things the Ancients ever did. Since eben the mouldring Fragments of theire proudest Structures, ye Temples of ye Gods, ye Statues of ye Heroes, ye Hippodromes ye Amphitheatres the Triumphal Arches, Aquaeducts, Military Ways, Baths, Colums, Medals, and Inscriptions, which yet, feebly beare up against ye power of corroding Time: even these Remaines I say of Athens, Corinth, and of Rome can be, and are now, only by this diffusive Art, triumphantly rescu’d from that total Havock, ye everlasting oblivion: Which a few more revolving years must inevitably bring on, and that of the Poet, then be too sadly verified: etiam periere Ruinae.”[8]
In 1726,
Roger Gale took recourse to almost the same words in a letter to John Clerk to
explain the purpose of the Society of Antiquaries, only with less rhetorical flourish:
“Besides the ½ guinea payd upon admission, one shilling is deposited every month by each member, and this money has been hitherto expended in buying a few books, but more in drawing and engraving, whereby a great many old seals, ruins, and other monuments of antiquity have been preserved from oblivion, and the danger of being intirely lost in a little time.”[9]
Second, it was connected to the advancement of
learning, which Samuel Gale not only connected to printing, but also to the
scholars who had been paragons of learning. At the end of his speech, he made
the connection quite explicit and directed it not only to the memory of the
past, but also to the future.
“These [engravers] are They who by an uncommon Genius have almost outdone Nature, and have given Life & Spirit to Good Men after Death, Who is there yet Beholds ye Aspects of the Great & Learned, and Burns not with secret Æmulation to imitate their High Example.”[10]
And this connection might have been the driving force behind Roger Gale playing the driving force behind putting the manuscript inherited and already partly edited by his father to the press through Thomas Hearne although it costed him time, labour, and money. Samuel Gale put this into words in his letter congratulating Hearne on finishing the Fordun edition, thanking him because:
“Ye Hon[o]r You have done my Father, in mentioning him so often in It, is a great Satisfaction to Me in particular […].”[11]
And thus the history of knowledge, scholarly biographies, and – following Philip Sydenham – national honour which could be derived from both seem to have become entangled in Britain already in the early 18th century. The question is only to what end?
[1] Thomas Hearne (ed.): Joannis
Lelandi antiquarii de rebus Britannicis collectanea ; Ex autographis descripsit
ediditque Tho. Hearnius,
6 vol., Oxford: Sheldon Theater 1715.
[2] Philipp Sydenham to Thomas
Hearne, Brympton St Every 23 May [1725?], Bodleian Library, MS Rawls letters
15, f. 473. Orthography as in the original, ligatures in [].
[4] Roger Gale to Thomas Hearne,
London 24 July 1716, Bodleian Library, MS Rawls letters 6, N° 14a, f. 311–312.
[5] Thomas Hearne to Roger Gale,
[Oxford 1716 – Concept, no dates], Bodleian Library, MS Rawls letters 6, N°
15a, f. 313–314.
[6] Roger Gale to Thomas Hearne,
London, 20 February 1722, MS Rawls letters 6, N° 35a, f. 355–357.
[7] Thomas Hearne (ed.): Johannis de Fordun Scotichronicon genuinum, una cum ejusdem
supplemento ac continuatione. E codicibus Mss. eruit ediditque Tho. Hearnius,
Oxford: Sheldon Theater 1722.
[8] Samuel Gale, Oratio Habita
coram Societate Lincolniensi vicesimo quarto Die Februarii Anno C. 1723,
Bodleian Library, MS Eng Misc E 147, f. 61, r.
[9] Roger Gale to John Clerk, [no
place] 26 April 1726, Bodleian Library, MS Top Gen d 74, pp. 178–186; p. 184.
Title plate of Jean-Pierre Niceron’s “Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes illustres dans la Republique des lettres” (1729-1742)
Saturday, March 16th, 2019, for Friday no. 23
Late again
This time the delay in posting this text is only partially my fault. I can blame some of it on the Biographisch portaal van Nederland, from which I wanted to draw some information but which just was not available for the last days. So I decided to do without these data for a first go, which I think will also do. I do have got enough material to present some first conclusions.
When
knowledge went national
Or, as the headline for this paragraph should perhaps better have been, when did knowledge go national? Because it seems to have been fragmented and compartmentalized into ‘national’ units which, to be frank, only make sense on a technical, not on a content level. Framing knowledge in national terms may serve to portion a bit of it to make it manageable, to get it between the covers of a book – or several books of a series, as was much more frequently the case – more easily. But when did such a framing start to impact how knowledge was ordered? As this is of course a question too huge to be answered in a few paragraphs, I’ll focus on a special branch of knowledge and of knowledge stores today, and that is what in the 18th century was called Historia Litteraria. This was the study of the history of knowledge, most often with an arts and humanities focus, but not restricted to it. It was laid down in dictionaries and encyclopaedias, and it was usually biographical in nature, because heavily person-centred. Over time, this genre thinned out and became more and more specialized, while many of its more general contents were merged into the national biographical dictionaries which became popular in the 19th century. During these processes, somewhen between the 18th and the 19th century national categories became the dominant frames for laying out knowledge stores in this field, for both the specialized and the generalized forms of it. And this, at least this is my hypothesis for these materials, impacted if and how dead scholars where referenced, and so the references to my protagonists also.
How it
began
But to return to the question from the preceeding paragraph: When did this happen? The obvious answer ‘it is complicated’ seems not to be very helpful here, so it may be best to first of all look at examples which may show when it did not have happened yet to be able to posit a terminus post quem. For those of these works written in German, the first half of the 18th century still was free from being dominated by the national gaze. The omnivorousUniversal-Lexicon initally edited by Johann Heinrich Zedler (1706-1763) referred to all my four protagonists between the years 1733 and 1742,[1] and the more specialist dictionary of scholars by Christian Gottlieb Jöcher (1694-1758), the Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, did likewise in 1750/51.[2] Both applied national classifications, but neither consistently nor very prominent; the focus was on the scholarly achievements of those portrayed as learned rather than on their share of the learning their nation was supposed to have achieved.
This is interesting in so far as it was no longer completely usual. The large series of Jean-Pierre Niceron (1685-1738), the Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes illustres dans la Republique des lettres, contemporary with the Universal-Lexicon and a bit earlier than Jöcher, mentioned only Reland and Renaudot, skipping Gale and Braun.[3] A cautionary approach is warranted here: One of the criteria for being included in such a dictionary of course always was scholarly excellence and/or fame, and they might have just been dropped for being of too little interest. For Niceron did reference non-French scholars, as for instance Reland. But – in keeping with the special attention Niceron programmatically devoted to illustrious scholars of the French nation – it may also be seen as telling that, in contrast to the Universal-Lexicon and Jöcher were both were quite on a par, in Niceron’s volumes Renaudot’s entries total 18 pages while Reland’s total 10. Such weightings and omissions – or selections – one might also meet with elsewhere, and according to different criteria. In David van Hoogstraten’s (1658-1724) and Matthaeus Brouërius van Nidek’s (1677-1743) Groot algemeen historisch, geographisch, genealogisch en oordeelkundig woordenboek Braun and Reland received about the same share of attention, half a page each, whereas Gale was mentioned only in seven lines, and Renaudot was dropped altogether.[4] In this case, the selection might have been facilitated by the fact that the only Catholic was left out, and the Anglican Gale received less attention than the Calvinists Braun and Reland. Be that as it may, the main editor of the Groot algemeen […] woordenboek, Brouërius van Nidek – Hoogstraten had died in 1724 already, and the first volume went to print in 1725 – had edited another encyclopaedic work with a very clear national focus before, the Tooneel der Vereenigde Nederlanden (Theatre of the United Netherlands), the author of which, François Halma (1653-1722), also had died before seeing his work in print. And to make the full round, when Thomas Gale was referred to in an encyclopaedic work for the next time (since the Groot algemeen […] woordenboek), it was in volume three of Andrew Kippis’ (1725-1795) Biographia Britannica: Or The Lives Of The Most eminent Persons Who have flourished in Great Britain And Ireland,so that it was out of the question to refer to any other of my protagonists within this work.[5]
How it went
on
References to my protagonists in encyclopaedias and dictionaries, 18th to 21st centuries
So although
these were just a few spotlights on the situation in the first half of the 18th
century, it seems that a national paradigm in constructing the history of
learning was one way to do it but not the predominant. The question then must
be, when did this change, and to which effect?
In respect
to my protagonists, I am currently drawing up a list of such encyclopaedic
references to them, and although it is not complete yet, the overall statistics
you see to the left provide an indication when and how knowledge – at least of
these people – became nationally framed.
Afirst phase of interest in my protagonists which lasted until the 1750s – which was, as also indicated by other materials, the phase after which when they entered a state of being structurally forgotten. Then the references become sparse, until a renewed phase of interest begins which covers the 1830s to 1880s, and which is different for each of them. And this is, I would like to argue, due to the national framework having now become the predominant pattern of reference to scholars. Thomas Gale marks the first one to be referenced again in this way, in publications such as George Godfrey Cunningham’s (no dates, sorry) Lives of eminent and illustrious Englishmen(Glasgow, 1834-1842) and John Francis Waller’s The imperial dictionary of universal biography (London, 1857-1863) – although the last, to be fair, at least advertised itself as “a series of original memoirs of distinguished men, of all ages and all nations”. Yet the British focus was clear. Next come Johannes Braun and Adriaan Reland, in works like, Hendrick Collot d’Ésuery van Heinenoord’s (1773-1845) Holland’s Roem in Kunsten en Wetenschappen(Holland’s Glory in Arts and Sciences, Den Haag/Amsterdam 1825-1844) and Herman Verwoert’s (1801-1865) Handwoordenboek der vaderlandsche geschiedenis (Nijmegen 1851), and of course the huge dictionary of national biography, the Biographisch woordenboek der Nederlanden (Amsterdam 1858-1874). References to Reland are still being made in the 1880s, which is due to him also being referenced in the German dictionary of national biography, the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (Berlin, 1875-1912), as I already pointed out in an earlier blogpost.
And, last but not least, Eusèbe Renaudot is being re-referenced from the 1860s onwards, but – and that makes his case perhaps the most interesting in here, but this is a topic I cannot say very much about right now (scheduled for in two weeks!) – he is referred to mostly in works without a direct French national connotation, such as Louis-Gabriel Michaud’s (1773-1858) Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne which appeared, in different editions, through almost all of the 19th century. What does this say about the connections made between scholarship and nation in 19th century France (if it does say anything about it)?
[2] Braun (Johannes),
in: Christian Gottlieb Jöcher (ed.): Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, Vol. 1,
Leipzig 1750, col. 1344-1345; Gale (Thomas) in: Christian Gottlieb Jöcher (ed.): Allgemeines
Gelehrten-Lexicon, Vol. 2, Leipzig 1750, col. 830-831; Reland (Adrian), in: Christian
Gottlieb Jöcher (ed.): Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, Vol. 3, Leipzig 1751,
col.2002-2004; Renaudot (Eusebius), in: Ibid., col. 2012-2013.
[3] Niceron, Jean-Pierre: Reland,
Adrien, in: —: Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes
illustres dans la Republique des lettres, Vol. 1, Paris 1729, pp. 335-342, and
vol. 10, Paris 1730, pp. 62-63 ; Niceron, Jean-Pierre: Renaudot, Eusèbe,
in : —: Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des hommes illustres dans la Republique
des lettres, vol. 11, Paris 1732, pp. 25-41, and vol. 20, Paris 1732, pp. 35.
[4] Anon: Braun (Johannes), in: David
van Hoogstraten/ Mathaeus Brouërius van Nidek (eds.): Groot algemeen
historisch, geographisch, genealogisch en oordeelkundig woordenboek, Vol. 2,
Den Haag/Asterdam/Utrecht 1725, pp. 378-379 ; Anon : Gale (Thomas),
in : David van Hoogstraten/ Mathaeus Brouërius van Nidek (eds.):
Groot algemeen historisch, geographisch, genealogisch en oordeelkundig woordenboek,
Vol. 5, Den Haag/Asterdam/Utrecht 1729, p. 11 ; Anon : Reland
(Adriaan), in : David van Hoogstraten/ Mathaeus Brouërius van Nidek (eds.):
Groot algemeen historisch, geographisch, genealogisch en oordeelkundig woordenboek,
Vol. 9, Den Haag/Asterdam/Utrecht 1732, p. 54.
[5] Kippis, Andrew: Biographia
Britannica, Vol. 3, London 1750, p. 2075-2077.
Snippet of the network visualization for the 502 publication sample described in this post; mind the prominent position of Reland’s “Palaestina Illustrata” (big green dot left on top) and the unconnected component in the lower right corner.
… Adrien Reland’s 1714 Palaestina ex monumentis veteribus illustrata!
And so the winner is me, too, for I guessed it correctly.
A two weeks’ post
But one
thing after the other. First, the date: this is my blog post for
Saturday, March 9th, 2019, for Friday
no. 22;
I seem to
acquire a bad habit of posting on Saturdays rather than Fridays. For today, my
excuses are, in chronological order, a) I had to help out at my son’s school,
fixing some shelves; b) I had to figure out how to clear some financial matters
regarding how to pay my salary from this project in a way that some of it
actually ends up with me in the end; c) my youngest daughter stubbornly refused
to go to sleep this evening. Obviously I am not very good at scheduling my home
office work hours, for although I started out at 8:00 in the morning, by 21:30
I had got down to a meagre seven hours of working time. And d) I made a tiny
configuring mistake, messed up my calculations, and had to start all over
again, ruining some two hours of work. I suspect I better had not started
calculating only at 21:30, but a), b), and c) forced me to.
Going for
some metrics, step 1: Gathering data
But the calculations are crucial, because that’s what I originally intended to show you. As I announced in my last post, I now have finished three-quarters of my projected sample of scholarly journals, which has taken me two weeks to complete, clean, and analyse now.
That is to say, I have gone through the digitized versions of the Journal des Savants, the Philosophical Transactions, and the Maandelyke uittreksels, of Boekzaal der geleerde waerelt (more info here), between 1700 and 1799. I have added all issues of these journals referencing one of my four protagonists in any way to my database. In numbers, this means 117 issues of the Journal des Savants, 9 of the Philosophical Transactions (yes, only nine, but I have already argued they are somewhat special here), and 89 of the Maandelyke uittreksels – or 205 journal issues in total. In going through these issues I have examined each page on which at least one of my protagonists was referenced, identified all other scholars and all publications on that page, and stored these data, too, as a basis for co-citation analysis to identify perceived epistemic communities and their changes over time. This netted me another 287 quoted publications, and another 739 scholars referred to and/or connected to quoted publications (as authors, editors, translators etc.). I must confess that I am a bit proud of having managed to completely identify close to 690 of these, or more than 90%. But today everything will be about publications, so the really interesting figure is that of 502 publications in this sample.
Going for
some metrics, step 2: Setting a framework for analysis
The problem
that I now got was how to deal with these data. Plain visualizing did not work
out anymore to really map out the intriguing details. So it needed to be done
the rough way, by calculating metrics for the sample, hoping for something
interesting to turn up. The visualizations did help me, in the way of pointing
out which ways to structure the relations to be investigated would likely not
yield good results. I first thought I might try something like mapping ‘shared
contributors’, that is, connecting publications by way of the same scholars
contributing to them (as authors, editors, or translators). This turned out to
be pretty useless because it only favoured large edited collections who
assembled texts from many different authors. And that’s the reason why this
post is not about persons but publications only; the real co-citation analysis
still has to wait for a bit. So it seemed better to bypass persons for the time
being and only to link publications to publications, and I did so by way of
quotations, that is, two publications are seen as connected if at least one of
them quotes the other. That brought some interesting results about.
Going for
some metrics, step 3: Finally going for metrics!
With the framework set up to network this publication sample, it was high time (half past nine already!) to start calculating metrics. To facilitate calculation, I started with assuming the network edges to be undirected, that is, a link from publication A via a quote in A to publication B works both ways, from A to B and from B to A. I know that this might be a questionable simplification; but as this may be tested by comparison, I will set this matter aside for a rainy day when I don’t have any idea what to write in this blog for the week to have the opportunity to at least redo these calculations for directed edges. (And as I once started tracking time in this post, it is now 4:00 in the morning and high time that I get to bed to have at least some sleep. I’ll continue around noon.) Moreover, as the structure of connections within what one takes to be a network depends on what the question is, and I am interesting in tracing perceived epistemic communities here – that is, publications seen as belonging to shared domains of knowledge – edge directionality is less important than it might be for other questions to ask. (This is a piece of midnight reasoning, but it still looks sound now at 10:30 on the day after.) I could as well also have collapsed the journals into edges connecting the rest of the publications to more explicitly claim this, but I wanted to also get an impression of the position of the individual journal issues, and so I kept them as nodes. Admittedly, this model does have the drawback that relying on quotations only provides only a quite simplified picture of the interconnections structuring domains of knowledge, but it should serve to give a good first impression of the sample’s general structure. Having sample and model settled, I used the opportunity to test Nodegoat’s analysis functions and calculated some metrics.
A lot of
numbers
To keep the
scores comparable across different metrics, I chose to normalize them where
possible. A short look at the visualization (see header for larger picture)
made clear what was to be expected: the network is disconnected. Not all publications
are referred to as situated in overlapping domains of knowledge; some are
distinctly separate from the rest. This is important here because it directly
impacts the calculations of the closeness metric. Closeness serves to indicate
how close any given node is to all other nodes in the network. In mapping out
shared domains of knowledge this might be quite interesting, as nodes with low
closeness scores might be supposed to partake of many fields at once being
referenced in differing contexts, and thus be important to look at. But
closeness measures path lengths to calculate the average distance from node X
to all other nodes, and this does not work in disconnected networks (because
two nodes between which there is no path would be at undefined = infinite
distance from each other). Nodegoat provides a workaround to that by
substituting a maximum distance for path length between unconnected nodes, this maximum
being equal to the total number of nodes in the network.[1]
First:
Betweenness
The first
measure I calculated was betweenness[2]
(because of the problems with closeness). Betweenness works on disconnected
networks and thus was the obvious first choice. Roughly put, betweenness serves
to indicate whether a certain node may be considered a gatekeeper, that is, if
it is situated at a vital connection point in the network. In assuming an
undirected graph, for mapping shared domains of knowledge this resembles
closeness: it should point to publications situated at the intersection of
several domains, and thus of potential importance for each of these. I must
qualify this as ‘potential importance’ because only being situated between
different fields of knowledge does not equal making important contributions to
any of these fields; this will have to be cross-checked with other metrics,
then.
Top 10
Betweenness
These are
the top ten results in terms of betweenness for the whole of the network:
And those are the respective results for the top-scoring publications of/connected to:
Adrien Reland, by Betweenness
Eusèbe Renaudot, by Betweenness
Johannes Braun, by Betweenness
Thomas Gale, by Betweenness
What
becomes directly apparent is that there are a lot Reland’s publications in the
network, not only on vital connection points but also in total. In fact, 37 out
of 287 non-journal publications have Reland as their main author/editor, or
12,9 %; the number does matter because I only added publications to this sample
when coming across a quotation within the sample. Compared to 2.8 % for Eusebè
Renaudot (8 publications), 1.7 % for Johannes Braun (5 publications), and 1.4 %
for Thomas Gale (4 publications) this looks even more impressive. But a large
output as such does not tell anything about the quality or the reception of
that output. There also is one publication by Eusebè Renaudot among the top ten
in betweenness, too.
Second:
Closeness
As already said, the closeness scores for this sample are to be taken with a grain of salt because of the disconnectedness workaround implemented in Nodegoat. But the prediction I theoretically made when thinking about betweenness in this network – that it would line up quite closely with closeness because pointing to structurally similar positions within the network – did come true in looking at the results for closeness, so I am tempted to regard these results as usefull still. Important: The first score in the “A” for Analysis column is always the one discussed!
Top 10 by Closeness
The top ten
publications of the network in terms of closeness scores are:
This again
underscores the relevance of Reland’s publications within the network as a
whole, and especially of his Palaestina
Illustrata.
And those are the respective results for the top-scoring publications of/connected to:
Adrien Reland, by Closeness
Eusèbe Renaudot, by Closeness
Johannes Braun, by Closeness
Thomas Gale, by Closeness
Third:
Degree
In
undirected graphs such as this, Degree just counts the number of connections
any given node in the network has. To be precise, Nodegoat counts the number of
all edges starting from and ending at any given node, allowing for duplicates
edges, thus producing high scores on average.[3]
For an analysis of shared domains of knowledge as proposed here Degree should
be relevant as a corrective. Whereas Betweenness and Closeness both point to
structural positions of publications in regard to their location between
domains of knowledge, Degree points to the importance of a given publication at
this structural position. Or, to put it more precisely, to the attention
generated by the publication in question, as I am focusing on quotations made
by scholarly journals to this publication; and many such quotations do not
necessarily point to the scholarly but in any case to the public impact a work
made.
Top 10 by
Degree
Looking at the Degree scores from this perspective makes clear that while Reland’s publications might share in more domains of knowledge, within their respective domains Renaudot’s publications obviously attracted comparable attention. And looking at the respective results for the top-scoring publications of/connected to Johannes Braun and Thomas Gale in comparison makes clear that they were not only tied more closely to special domains of knowledge but also attracted less attention by the journals in question, perhaps because of this more stringent specialisation. So here are the Degree scores for publications divided by individuals:
Adrien Reland, by Degree
Eusèbe Renaudot, by Degree
Johannes Braun, by Degree
Thomas Gale, by Degree
A cautionary note: It does not pay to put too much trust in Degree scores, because they tend to push publications situated within certain reference patterns. Consider the example of Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze’s Lexicon aegyptiaco-latinum, the Coptic dictionary edited and published by Karl Gottfried Woide in 1775 which has already featured in one of my posts.
With a Degree of 33 it scores shortly below a top 10 place in Degree which, following the reasoning laid out above, should indicate its importance for its particular domain(s) of knowledge – it attracted a lot of attention, because it has a lot of quotes. But all of these quotes are in fact derived from one singe journal issue, the June 1774 issue, part one, of the Journal des Savants, as becomes visible from the cross-references section of its database entry.
And there
it assembles all of these quotes because it features in many different respects
in the announcement written by Woide himself to highlight his upcoming
publication, which makes the reference section of this piece look a bit monothematic:
Snippet from the references contained in Woide’s publication announcement
So while
Degree may be taken as an indicator of importance within a given field by
capturing public attention, this is easily manipulated, and has to be
cross-checked against another metric for validation.
Fourth:
Pagerank
Nodegoat
allows for calculating Pagerank scores, following the original Google
algorithm. As Pagerank was originally invented to determine the relative
importance of information sources (in this case, websites) in a network through
which a user might randomly move, this model might also be applied to domains
of knowledge in a web of publications, treating quotations as paper-borne
hyperlinks. Random movement through the graph is facilitated by its
undirectedness, so please keep in mind that modelling it as undirected may be a
questionable decision, and don’t trust these metric too much. The good thing
about Pagerank is that allows for determining both the relative importance of quoted
publications and of quoting journals in this particular configuration, so I
would like to use it to counterbalance the shortcomings of Degree pointed out
above. In running Pagerank, Woide/la Croze’s dictionary disappears from the
leading places all of a sudden, so this seems to work. The top publications
according to Pagerank thus are:
Top 10 by
Pagerank
Surprise, surprise:
The main hubs for distributing quotes – and thus sorting domains of knowledge –
are journals! Makes me almost wonder why I chose to go by them in the first
place… But more interesting in here is that there one publication from the 287
quoted works in the sample which managed to get a place in the top 10, and that
is – surprise again! – Reland’s Palaestina
Illustrata. This in turn is due by it being quoted by a number of journal
issues (from all three journal series) which are themselves important quotation
hubs, as becomes evident when looking at the cross-references to Palaestina Illustrata, that is, the
publications in the sample linking to it.
This looks
as if Pagerank indeed might be a good tool to determine the importance of a
publication at its respective structural position, at best in combination with
Degree (and Palaestina Illustrata
scores high on both). So what about the top scores for the rest of the field?
Adrien Reland, by Pagerank
Eusèbe Renaudot, by Pagerank
Johannes Braun, by Pagerank
Thomas Gale, by Pagerank
Combining
metrics
Well, that was a lot of tables, numbers, and scores. Well done! Only a few more to go. Now the last thing to do is to find a way to purposefully combine the different metrics results assembled so far to draw something relating to my larger research question from it. To do so, I ventured for a first try to identify the top 5 publications of each of my protagonists by comparison of the results I presented above. This yielded the following table[4]:
Top 5 by:
Betweenness
Closeness
Pagerank
Degree
Reland
Palaestina ex
monumentis veteribus illustrata
Palaestina ex
monumentis veteribus illustrata
Palaestina ex
monumentis veteribus illustrata
Palaestina ex
monumentis veteribus illustrata
Reland
De nummis veteris Hebraeorum
De nummis veteris Hebraeorum
Antiquitates
sacrae vet. Hebr. (4th ed.)
De nummis veteris Hebraeorum
Reland
De religione mohammedica
De religione mohammedica
Antiquitates sacrae veterum Hebraeorum
De religione mohammedica
Reland
Antiquitates sacrae veterum Hebraeorum
Antiquitates sacrae veterum Hebraeorum
Verhandeling van de godsdienst
Antiquitates sacrae veterum Hebraeorum
Reland
Encheiridion studiosi
Dissertationum Miscellanearum
Oratio de galli cantu
Hierosolymae
Decas exercitationum […] nomine Jehovae
Braun
Commentarius in
epistolam ad Hebraeos
Commentarius in
epistolam ad Hebraeos
Leere der verbonden (4th ed.)
Doctrina foederum
Braun
Leere der verbonden (4th ed.)
Vestitus sacerdotum Hebraeorum
Avertissement necessaire aux eglises
Leere der verbonden (4th ed.)
Braun
Avertissement necessaire aux eglises
Doctrina foederum
Commentarius in
epistolam ad Hebraeos
Commentarius in
epistolam ad Hebraeos
Braun
Doctrina foederum
Avertissement necessaire aux eglises
Vestitus sacerdotum Hebraeorum
Avertissement necessaire aux eglises
Braun
Vestitus sacerdotum Hebraeorum
Leere der verbonden (4th ed.)
Doctrina foederum
Vestitus sacerdotum Hebraeorum
Renaudot
Historia patriarcharum Alexandrinorum
Historia patriarcharum Alexandrinorum
Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio
Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio
Renaudot
La perpetuité de la
foy, 4
Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio
La perpetuité de la
foy, 4
Defense de
l'”histoire des patriaches”
Renaudot
Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio
La perpetuité de la
foy, 4
Anciennes relationes des Indes
Anciennes relationes des Indes
Renaudot
La perpetuité de la
foy, 5
La perpetuité de la
foy, 5
La perpetuité de la
foy, 5
La perpetuité de la
foy, 4
Renaudot
Anciennes relationes des Indes
Anciennes relationes des Indes
Historia patriarcharum Alexandrinorum
Genadii patriarchi homiliae
Gale
Antonini iter Britanniarum commentarius
Antonini iter Britanniarum commentarius
Antonini iter Britanniarum commentarius
Antonini iter Britanniarum commentarius
Gale
Jamblichii de mysteriis liber
Jamblichii de mysteriis liber
Historiae poeticae scriptores antiqui
Historiae Anglicanae scriptores V.2
Gale
Historiae Anglicanae scriptores V.2
Historiae poeticae scriptores antiqui
Historiae Anglicanae scriptores V.2
Historiae poeticae scriptores antiqui
Gale
Historiae poeticae scriptores antiqui
Historiae Anglicanae scriptores V.2
Jamblichii de mysteriis liber
Jamblichii de mysteriis liber
Creating a
Shortest Path Matrix
To fuse
this into something more informative I thought I might utilize a special
function of Nodegoat’s, and that is its ability to calculate shortest paths
between given selections of nodes. In this case, this meant that I first
settled on a matrix of four times four publications: The top 4 publications
after comparing the scores of all metrics for each of my four protagonists. I
chose to use the top four because only four of Gale’s publications made it into
the sample, and this provides better comparability then. Now I used the
Shortest Path function to calculate the length of the shortest path through
this network from each of these publications to each other, and set the results
down in form of a matrix.[5]
It looks like this.
Conclusions
What does
this tell me now? Well, first of all it highlights the isolated position of
some of these publications, which obviously do not share domains of knowledge
with others; this is true for the five marked with grey lines which have no
connections to the rest of the matrix. It moreover points to the broader
diversity of Reland’s publications compared to the rest of the network: His
four publications all have connections within the matrix, while for Renaudot
one publication does not and for Braun and Gale two publications each. Reland’s
and Renaudot’s oeuvres and positions are similar in that both are internally
coherent – the smallest paths to those of their own publications connected to
the rest of the matrix are two each – and well-connected: their publications
are not only connected to more of the rest of the matrix, they are also
connected by shorter paths, making their works appear to be more central. Braun
and Gale on the other hand are similar in having less many publications connected
to the rest of the matrix, and in those publications being situated in strongly
differing fields, as indicated by their larger internal distance from each
other compared to Reland and Renaudot. And both of them are on the outskirts of
the network rather than in the centre as indicated by the long shortest paths
to other publications in the matrix.
This buttresses the claims I have brought forward based on other impressions already: That Reland and Renaudot form a comparable pair of actors, as Gale and Braun do; and that Reland seems to be the most versatile of all four, which might be the reason why he was the last of the four to get forgotten. And, as I already suspected last week, that his Palaestina Illustrata might be more relevant for this process than his other works, even if they are better known today (as his 1705 De religione mohammedica for instance).
But this
has been a fairly static picture of a phenomenon spanning one century, so the
next task will be to dynamize it. Work to do!
[1] So in looking at the closeness
scores in the following, always keep in mind that the maximum path length taken
into consideration is 502.
[2] With duplicated edges taken
into account and weighted according to distance, that is, duplicates add edge
length.
[3] And Nodegoat does not automatically
normalize Degree centrality. But this is an easy operation: If you want to do
so, just divide any absolute Degree score by the total number of edges in the
network, in this case, 2577.
[4] Publications marked in red only
appear once in the table and are therefore discounted from further comparison.
[5] Please keep in mind that shortest paths are elongated in my setting because two quoted publications A and B are (almost) always connected via a journal in between, so the usual shortest path possible between A and B is two links (A –link one– Journal –link two– B).
I am very sorry, but I will have to postpone what I originally intended to post here yesterday for one week. The idea I had in mind does work, but it takes a lot more time to set up the calculations in detail than I had thought, and it will keep me busy for a few days still. In one of my former posts I preliminarily explored a data set still uncompleted at that time, consisting of all references to my four protagonists in the Journal des Savants, the Philosophical Transactions, and the Maandelyke Uittreksels, of Boekzaal der geleerde Waerelt during the 18th century. As this set is completed now*, it will be interesting to see what might be learned from it.
One preliminary finding – which at the same time is a hypothesis to be tested during the next days – is that in terms of being posthumously referenced it seems to pay for a scholar to diversify his research interests, or at least to offer works which may feed into many different research interests over time. For it seems that the most prominent work written by my four protagonists over the course of the 18th century turned out to be Adrien Relands 1714 two-volume “Palaestina ex monumentis veteris illustrata”. And from the contexts of the references targeting it this seems most likely to be due to its ability to be utilized for the purposes of History, Theology, Geography, and Philology alike. The downside of this is that it seems very difficult, if not outright impossible, to determine which kind of work might be suited to such purposes when writing it.
But more about this next Friday!
*At least for the moment. Next addition will be Acta Eruditorum/Nova Acta Eruditorum. To be continued!
Eusèbe Renaudot (ed., transl.): Anciennes relations des Indes et de la Chine, de deux voyageurs mahometans, Paris: Coignard 1718; title page.
Friday no. 20, February 22nd, 2019
In one of the earlier posts on this blog I said something about Louis-Charles Solvet (1795-1869) and his successful strategies of reference to Adrien Reland. One, and I would say the central, hypothesis that I built from the case of Solvet and his translation of the Dissertatio de jure militari Mohammedanorum contra Christianos bellum gerentium was that such strategies of a re-use of a dead scholar’s products and achievements against the grain of that scholar’s original intentions signal actual structural oblivion of the scholar in question, if they succeed. This dovetails quite nicely with the career and publications of Louis-Charles Solvet, I would say. But the risk incurred with this is of course that this may be a case of circular reasoning. Perhaps the Solvet case fits the hypothesis so nicely because the hypothesis was drawn up by it, and I just found what I wanted to find all along. So how might this be put to the test?
Test
conditions and pre-test assumptions
As history
does not repeat itself, I cannot just re-run Solvet’s career to see if other
patterns would probably account for the same effects in the end as well. But I
might look for similar cases, if possible by people from a shared background
and trajectory, and look for discursive and structural interconnections –
references to the same scholars and the same patterns of reference applied to
similar scholars. The argument that I would like to make is that both are
necessary to establish a convincing test case for the hypothesis framed around
Solvet. If I do find that in a similar case, in similar circumstances, the
patterns are transitive, i.e. if one matches, the other does match, too, this
would indicate that structural oblivion is not the right term to put to the
phenomenon. Because this would – generalized – have to be taken to mean that
every scholar with similar background in similar circumstances would take
recourse to the dead scholar in question in the same way. This in turn would
mean that there was a shared knowledge about this scholar beforehand, and if
this were the case, he or she would be structurally remembered rather than
forgotten. If on the other hand I should find, that the patterns are not
transitive, that is, if one matches, the other does not, structural oblivion becomes
a lot more probable. But – and this is an important caveat to make – only in
the case where there is structural but not discursive transitivity. If the
reference pattern applied in a similar situation by a similar scholar is the
same but targets another person and his or her achievements and/or
publications, the divergence in dead scholars utilized might well point to the
fact that they are, more or less, randomly selected from the reservoir of
structurally forgotten elements of knowledge.
A test case:
Joseph-Touissant Reinaud (1795-1867)
Joseph-Touissant
Reinaud was born in Lambesc, between Avignon and Aix-en-Provence in Southern
France, on December 4th, 1795, and destined for a clerical career.
When in 1814 he was sent to Paris to broaden his education, he took to oriental
languages with such fervour that he staid to study them under Silvestre de Sacy
(1758–1838) instead of becoming a priest. As Solvet, who in 1814 quitted
service with the Imperial Guards, Reinaud had dropped out of the career originally
envisioned for him. Both now served for a while with private employers
alongside their studies, Reinaud from 1818 to 1819 as secretary to the Comte de
Portalis on a mission to the Holy See. After returning and completing his
studies, his former employer helped him to gain a post at the Bibliothèque royale
in 1824, three years earlier than Solvet, who entered the French provincial
administration in 1827. Reinaud managed to continue on his librarian post
despite all revolutionary upheavals in 19th century France and to
continually rise within the system. In 1832, he was elected into the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,
and in March 1838 after de Sacy’s death followed him as professor of Arabic at
the Ecole des langues orientales vivantes.
From 1847 on he was president of the Société Asiatique, and in April 1864
elected as head of the Ecole des langues
orientales vivantes; Solvet had been promoted to the post of Supreme Judge
at the court of Algiers in 1862. Reinaud had, perhaps because of a career
without the interruptions that Solvet had been subject to, managed to enter the
more prestigious posts; he had already in 1836 been admitted into the Legion of
Honour, 14 years before Solvet had been in 1850. In 1858 he was raised in rank
to “Officier de la legion d’honneur”, the rank that Solvet had been denied in
1865. These honorary differences besides, both men seem to be quite comparable
in respect to what I am interested in here. Both were trained in Arabic,
excelled at their studies, were zealous in pursuit of their duties, turned to
philological pursuits in their scholarly endeavours, and translated.
Now the
interesting question is whether both men are comparable also in respect to
their treatment of my forgotten scholars. Louis-Charles Solvet had translated
Adrien Reland, but had never referred to Eusèbe Renaudot (as far as I know). So
what about Joseph-Touissant Reinaud?
In 1845,
Reinaud published a corrected, augmented and annotated re-edition of an 1811
translation of an early medieval Arabic manuscript, the “Relation des voyages
faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l’Inde et à la Chine“.[1]
The 1811 edition itself was already a re-edition, as the manuscript in question
had first been edited in 1718 as “Anciennes relations des Indes et de la Chine,
de deux voyageurs mahometans” by Eusèbe Renaudot.[2]
Reinaud clearly acknowledged that in his preface where he detailed the history
of the edited text, where he stated the edition no longer conformed to “les
progrès que la critique orientale a faits dans ces derniers temps” and had to
be redone for the sake of science, correcting both translation and annotations
to purge them of Renaudot’s leniencies.[3]
The prime reason he brought forward for the importance of his re-edition was
that he was convinced that the manuscript provided an early source for the
story which over time had evolved into the story of Sindbad as incorporated in
the Arabian Nights.[4] In
doing so he situated his publication in the scholarly branch of the Orientalist
discourse of the mid-19th century as firmly as Solvet had situated
his Reland translation in its political branch. This catered to their
respective career stations at the point of publication, with Solvet part of the
French colonial administration in Algiers and Reinaud in the center of French
Orientalist learning in Paris.
Passing the
test?
In both
cases publications were picked which were about 130 years old but could be
adapted to contemporary issues quite easily, even if they became decontextualized
from the oeuvre of the original author in the process, and both Reinaud and
Solvet presented the original authors in the way which suited their aims best –
Solvet praising Reland for use as an authority, and Reinaud downsizing Renaudot
to claim scientific progress. The underlying pattern seems to be the same to
me.
Now what
about the cross-connections? These, and that is the interesting part of the
story, really seem to be absent. Reinaud seems not to have mentioned Reland
anywhere in his publications, even when he was working about topics where one
might have expected it, as the religious history of Islam or the geography of
the Near East. But while he refrained from referring to Reland, he owned his works.
At least if the auction catalogue of his personal library can be trusted, among
his possessions were Reland’s De
religione mohammedica (2nd edition of 1717) and his Antiquitates sacrae veterum Hebraeorum
(4th edition of 1741). That was one work more than he owned of
Renaudot, of whom he only seems to have had the 1718 edition from which he
started his translation.[5]
So also this has been a rather quick walkthrough through the test I proposed, I
would like to preliminary assume on this basis that my original hypothesis is
sound, and both publications really testify to the original author’s being
structurally forgotten at their time of publication. To be explored further!
[1] Joseph-Touissant Reinaud (ed.,
transl.) : Relation des voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans
l’Inde et à la Chine dans le IXe siècle de l’ère chrétienne. Texte arabe
imprimé en 1811 par les soins de feu Langlès publié aves des corrections et
additions et accompagné d’une traduction fran5aise et d’éclaircissements par M.
Reinaud, Paris: Imprimerie royale 1845.
[2] Eusèbe Renaudot (ed., transl.): Anciennes
relations des Indes et de la Chine, de deux voyageurs mahometans, qui y allerent
dans le neuviéme siecle ; traduites d’arabe : avec des remarques sur les
principaux endroits de ces relations, Paris: Coignard 1718.
[3] Reinaud (ed.), Relation des voyages
1845, p. v. ; p. xiii–xiv.
[5] Anon. : Catalogue des livres
des manuscrits orientaux et des ouvrages en nombre composant la bibliothèque de
feu M. J.-T. Reinaud. Membre de l’institut, officier de la légion d’honneur,
conservateur des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale, président de l’école
des ll. oo. vv. de la sociéte asiatique, membre des académies de Vienne, de
Berlin, de Saint-Pétersburg et de plusieurs autres sociétes savantes. Précéde
d’une notice sur sa vie par M. J. Mohl, membre de l’Institut, Paris 1867, cf. pp.
13, 103, 131.
Seven years ago now Caroline Winterer asked “Where is America in the Republic of Letters?” [1], and the question is still too good not to be asked again. So where is America in my Republic of Letters? Until very recently it seemed to be quite absent. Only from the middle of the 19th century onwards American publications referring to my protagonists began appearing in my data, all in the context of scholarly research. But any contemporary entanglement seemed to be missing. Perhaps this does not come as a surprise so much as the question in how far the Republic of Letters covered America, which parts of it, and when. I am not going to tackle this question here, but I can present you now with some American instances of references to my protagonists before 1800. And the nature of these references may perhaps point to why it is complicated to uncover them today.
New Haven, Connecticut, 1760/1770
“A treatise on regeneration : By Peter Van Mastricht”, Preface, p. [1]-[2].
The first instance I came across was a reworked extract from Peter von Mastricht’s (1630-1706) Theologia theoretico-practica of 1682[2] which was printed in New Haven, Connecticut, in 1769/1770.[3] The anonymous translator and compiler was obviously concerned about theological discussion points current New Haven at the time, or at least he announced his treatise this way. While he had to elaborate upon “who this Doct. Van Mastricht is, and what the particular reasons are, for publishing the following treatise at this time”,[4] he added a substantial appendix to the work to buttress von Mastricht’s arguments with other Dutch and Scottish reformed theologians, with both of which he seems to have been very familiar.
His readers most probably were not as may be seen from his explanation of the denominational attributions in his text: “It should have been observed to the reader, that by the REFORMED, or the reformed church, foreign writers mean all denominations of Protestants, except the Lutherans (with respect to whom they are called reformed) and some heretical sects that have sprung up among them, as the Socinians, Arminians, &c”[5] In this section he took, amongst others, recourse to Johannes Braun in respect to the relation of the human will and divine grace, and devoted more than one entire page to quotes from Braun’s Doctrina Foederum[6] of 1688.[7] At the end of the treatise there is one passage which might be taken as an indication that the translator/compiler had not acquired his theological knowledge locally in Connecticut: “This publication would have been rendered more compleat by quotations from Turretine and the doings of the famous Synod of Dort, had not the publisher been disappointed about procuring these books.”[8] He seems not to have had such problems with his Braunius, unless he was quoting from his collected excerpts.
Two tentative conclusions might be suggested as hypotheses for further enquiry by this piece of evidence: First, that such theological knowledge was still imported from abroad into North America in the late 1760s/early 1770s, and second, that some of the publications contributing to it may have been available there nevertheless. Drawing any conclusions as to the supposed origin of the translator/compiler is not possible though, as the second piece of evidence will show.
Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1789
Inglis, “A charge delivered”, p. 4.
In 1789 Charles Inglis (1734-1816), appointed Anglican bishop of Nova Scotia in 1787, concluded his visitation of his new diocese with a treatise printed as “A charge delivered to the clergy of the diocese of Nova Scotia.”[9] Inglis aimed at something quite similar as the translator/compiler of von Mastricht: Giving a group of people – in Inglis’ case the clergy of his diocesis – the proper arguments to solve theological and ecclesiastical problems right at hand. To do so, both utilized a quite similar stock of literature, and that is why – at present – no inference of the anonymous translator/compiler’s place of origin can be drawn from his treatise.
The Anglican bishop used a mixture of the same Calvinist authors garnished with some Presbyterians and other dissenters alongside more orthodox Anglican writers as the stock of his admonitions. A large part of his “charge” consisted of directions for a solid churchman’s library, as “[s]everal of the younger Clergy, having, at different times, expressed a desire to have a list of such Books as would be proper for a Clergyman’s Library; I have set down the following Catalogue, and hope it may be of service.”[10] And in this directions the bishop, too, included Johannes Braun, although not with one of his staple theological works but with his treatise on the vestments of the ancient Jewish temple priests.[11] And he also included Adrien Reland in his list, once directly, and once indirectly.[12]
Inglis, “A charge delivered”, p. 62: Two references to Adrien Reland.
That Inglis included Reland in his list is remarkable for two reasons: First, because it supports the notion that Reland’s 1714 work “Palaestina Illustrata” was the longer the 18th century lasted the more firmly labelled as a theological tract (which it not directly was), and second because of what Inglis himself had written down as his criteria for selecting the works on his list: “Perhaps it is needless to observe that I could have easily enlarged the number of Books under each head; those only are selected which appear to be most useful, and are easily procured; and I confine myself to such as treat of Theology, or that have an immediate connection with it.”[13]
Conclusions & hypotheses…
Not only was Reland’s work bundled up with Theology, it was also labelled as “easily procured” even in the context of Nova Scotia, as was Braun’s Vestitus Sacerdotum Hebraeorum. Inglis did not precisely state how these works would have been procured by his clergymen, and it would be tempting to try to check if they really did, if there are inventories of late 18th/early 19th century Nova Scotia Anglican clergymen available somewhere to do so. In any case the firm theological fixation of the works in question coupled them with the respective discourses, and when the issues in context of which they had been discussed faded from the debates of New England, I suppose that references to the works and via these to their authors will have followed suit. Which opens up a new theatre of investigations nevertheless.
[1] Caroline Winterer: Where is
America in the Republic of Letters?, in: Modern Intellectual History 9, 2012,
pp. 597–623; doi:10.1017/S1479244312000212.
[2] Peter von Mastricht: Theoretico-Practica theologia: Qua, per Capita
Theologica, pars dogmatica, elenchtica et practica, perpetua symbibasei
conjugantur. Praecedunt in usum operis paraleipomena, seu Sceleton de optima
concionandi method, Amsterdam: Boom & widow 1682.
[3] Anon: A treatise on
regeneration : By Peter Van Mastricht, D.D. Professor of Divinity in the
Universities of Francfort, Duisburgh, and Utrecht. Extracted from his system of
divinity, called Theologia theoretico-practica; and faithfully translated into
English; with an appendix, containing extracts from many celebrated divines of
the Reformed Church, upon the same subject, New Haven: Thomas & Samuel
Green 1769/1770.
[9] Charles Inglis: A charge delivered to the clergy of the diocese of Nova Scotia
at the primary visitation holden in the town
of Halifax, in the month of June 1788. By the Right Reverend Charles, Bishop of
Nova Scotia, Halifax: Anthony Henry 1789.
[11] Ibid.,
p. 76; Johannes Braun: Bigdê kohanîm id est, Vestitus sacerdotum Hebræorum,
sive Commentarius amplissimus in Exodi cap. XXVIII, ac XXIX. & Levit. cap.
XVI. (2 vols.), Leiden: Doude/Elzevier 1680.
[12] Inglis: A charge delivered to the clergy
1789, p. 62; Thomas Lewis: Origines Hebrææ: the antiquities of the Hebrew
republick : In four books. I. The origin of the Hebrews; their civil
government; the constitution of the sanbedrim; forms of trial in courts of
justice, &c. II. The ecclesiastical government; the consecration of the
high-priests, priests, and levites. The revenue of the priesthood the sects
among the Hebrews, pharisees, sadducees, essenes, &c. III. Places of worship.
The use of high-places; a survey of the tabernacle, and the proseucha’s of the
Hebrews. A description of the first temple from the scriptures, and of the
second from the rabbinical writings. The sacred utensils. The institution of
synagogues, &c. IV. The religion of the hebrews. Their sacrifices; and
their libations. The burning of the red heifer, and ceremonies of purification.
Their sacraments, publick fasts and festivals, &c. Design’d as an
explanation of every branch of the levitical law, and of all the ceremonies and
usages of the Hebrews, both civil and sacred. By Tho. Lewis, M.A (3 vols.),
London: Samuel Illidge/John Hooke 1724-1725; Adrien Reland: Palaestina
ex monumentis veteribus illustrata (2 vols.), Utrecht: Willem Broedelet 1714.
[13] Inglis: A charge delivered to
the clergy 1789, p. 59.
A short network animation of all references to Johannes Braun, Thomas Gale, Adrien Reland and Eusèbe Renaudot between 1750 and 1765 in from the Journal des Savants, the Philosophical Transactions and the Maandelyke uittreksels, of Boekzaal der geleerde waerelt, as moving four-year averages. Mind that Reland provides the only link connecting the Boekzaal references to the JdS-PT references.
Saturday, February 9th, 2019, for Friday Nr. 18
I have been busy adding another journal to the dataset I briefly discussed here two weeks ago; this time, it’s the Maandelyke uittreksels, of Boekzaal der geleerde waerelt taken from Hathi Trust again for a Dutch perspective to complement the British and the French already in there. In doing so, I noticed an absence that makes me wonder about its possible causes.
I already wrote here about how the rediscovery of Palmyra and the decipherment of the Palmyrene inscriptions played into my research question as it illuminates how references to structurally forgotten scholars can be used to improve one’s own standing in the Republic of Letters. Both Jean-Jacques Barthélemy (1716-1795) and John Swinton (1703-1777) had been building on research carried out, among others, the Dutch philologist Jacob Rhenferd (1654-1712) and two of my persons of interest, Eusèbe Renaudot (1646-1720) and Adrien Reland (1676-1718). Which meant that after a period of comparative absence those names, for a while, became current again as part of the discussion over the decipherment of Palmyrene. As I had already came across this discussion in both the Journal des Savants and the Philosophical Transactions, I would not have been surprised to find a similar increase in references to these names in the Boekzaal der geleerde waerelt also.
There was a significant increase in references to Adrien Reland in the Boekzaal in the 1750s and 1760s; but none to the other proponents of the debate. To make up for this, Johannes Braun (1628-1708), who had been almost completely absent from the former dataset, was mentioned much more frequently than I would have thought during this period.
Upon closer inspection, the respective entries reveal that – as it seems – the Palmyran debate just did not place in the Boekzaal. I cross-checked for references to Swinton and Barthélemy without connections to my protagonists but did not find anything related, either. Given the interest displayed by Dutch oriental scholars and philologists in Palmyrene following the first re-discovery of Palmyra for Europe’s Republic of Letters in the 1690s, that there should be no reaction at all to the second re-discovery in 1753 is a bit puzzling.
So I look around a bit and went through Delpher, the Dutch National Library catalogues, and the STCN, and found nothing much in connection. The only directly Palmyra-related Dutch publication in this time seems to have been a (pirated?) print of Joseph Jouve’s (1701-1758) 1758 novel “Histoire de Zénobie, impératrice de Palmyre” which went off Nicolas van Daalen’s press in Den Haag. And that was not even in Dutch. Intra-textual references seem to have been as scarce, as far as Delpher is concerned (query results are here). My query only returned four publications during that time: one a geographical work set us as a fake travelogue – the first volume of Joseph de la Porte SJ’s (1714-1779) “Voyageur français”,[1] translated into Dutch as “De nieuwe reisiger; of Beschryving van de oude en nieuwe waerelt”, and the other three parts of a work of similar kind, the “Tafereel van Natuur en Konst” which appeared in 21 volumes between 1769 and 1784 in Amsterdam, a translation from an English model (volumes 1, 10, and the index volume 21).
The most curious of these is “De nieuwe reisiger”, as Jean-Jacques Barthélemy is indeed referenced in it as part of the description of Palmyra, but in a weird way. After describing the ruins, the fictive letter-writer tells his fictive addressee “that it would be desirable that one or other scholar would try to discover the beginnings of this language, which is completely forgotten.*”[2] Added to this was a footnote indicated by the asterisk running “The abbé Barthélemy has not yet made this renowned discovery public, which justly had won him the respect of all the learned in Europe […]”.[3] Now de la Porte’s French original – which has the same passage –[4] was printed in Paris in 1765, while the fictive letter just quoted from is dated to 1736. And Barthélemy’s lecture at the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres was printed in Paris in 1754.[5] So while the fictive letter-writer in de la Porte’s text could not have known about Barthélemy’s discovery in 1736, both the French author and his Dutch translator could – and perhaps should – have known that this discovery was very public already in 1765.
Coupled with the absence references to the debate in contemporary Dutch-language literature (as far as I was able to make out so far) this points to that the issue, while being a scholarly polemic in France and Great Britain and well-covered in German learned journals,[6] seems not to have been of much interest to the Dutch public. The next reference to it in a publication in Dutch was made – again – in a travelogue, only this time a real one. When the Swedish Arabist and Oriental scholar Jacob Jonas Björnståhl (1731-1779) went on a rather prolonged Grand Tour through Western Europe and via the Mediterranean to the Near East, Istanbul, and Greece in 1767, he wrote letters to the Swedish publisher and librarian Carl Christoffer Gjörwell (1731-1811) who collected them. They went to print in a German edition in 1772, followed by a Dutch translation in 1779; the Swedish edition only was printed from 1780 on.
Now Björnståhl described (in the Dutch translation) in his “J.J. Björnstähls Reize door Europa en het Oosten“, volume one, in a letter from Marseille, 18 November 1770, how he met Jean-Jacques Barthélemy in Paris. He rated Barthélemy’s kindness towards other scholars “higher even than the new and grand discovery by which Mr. Barthélemy has made himself known to Europa, that one can recon from him, who was the first to teach Europe so, the time since when it is possible to read Phoenician and Palmyran inscriptions”.[7] As a curious by-note to this I may add that Björnståhl five years later, in a letter dated Oxford, 10 October 1775, reported that he had also met John Swinton: “I shall conclude my letter with Mr. Swinton. This man is, as is well known, famous for his writings concerning old, and foremost Phoenician inscriptions and coins, which can be found in the English Transactions.”[8] Björnståhl said nothing about Swinton’s role in the Palmyran inscriptions’ controversy.
Adding to
these findings that the debate was framed by some of its actors as a struggle
for national honour in claiming the first discovery, most of all by John
Swinton himself who complained about being subject to attacks by French writers,
and recognized as such by others, for instance the German learned journals, it
might have fallen out of the Dutch learned discourse of the time because of
this national framing which did not include Dutch elements – or, as was the
case with Rhenferdt and Reland, not in prestigious roles.
Yet this
did not cause a lack in references to especially Adrien Reland in the Boekzaal der geleerde waerelt during
this time. Not only where such references there, they also pointed frequently
to the same publication, his last major work “Palaestina ex monumentis veteris illustrata”,
a two-volume description of the Holy Land as taken from classical sources; they
only related to it in connection with other issues. So maybe the supra-national
character of the Republic of Letters really was under stress from nationally
framed discoursed below the surface already, and the Palmyran discussion might
be a point to illustrate this.
[1] Joseph de la Porte: Le voyageur
françois, ou La connoissance de l’ancien et du nouveau monde, T. 1, Paris :
Vincent ; Moutard ; Cellot 1765.
[2] Joseph de la Porte: De nieuwe
reisiger; of Beschryving van de oude en nieuwe waerelt, Uit het Fransch van den
Abt de la Porte, Eerste Deel. Behelzende in sich Cyprus, Aleppo,
Damascus, de berg Libanon, Palmyra, Egypten, de Barbarysche Staaten,
Griekenland, en een gedeelte van Turkyen. Dordrecht: Abraham Blusse, 1766, pp.
58-59: “Het zol dan te wenschen zyn dat de een of andere geleerde trachte
om de beginzelen van deze taal te ontdekken, die tans geheel vergeten zyn.*”
[3] Ibid: “*De
Abt Barthelemy heeft deze beruchte entdekking nog niet gemeen gemaakt, die hem
te recht de achting van alle geleerde in Europa verworven heeft; hy verdiende
dezelve reets door zyne doorgronde geleertheit in de oudheden.”
[5] Jean-Jacques Barthélemy: Reflexions
sur l’alphabet et sur la langue dont on se servait autrefois à Palmyre, Paris :
Guerin et Delatour 1754.
[6] See for instance: Nova Acta
Eruditorum, October 1757, pp. 625-630, and November 1757, pp. 671-678;
Göttingische Anzeigen von gelehrten Sachen 1754, August 24th; September
5th, pp. 927-928; October 17th, pp. 1066-1068; 1755, May 29th, pp. 588-589;
1756, June 10th, pp. 586-590; Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen 1755, Nr. 24,
pp. 209-210; Nr. 27, pp. 233-234.
[7] J.J.
Björnstähls Reize door Europa en het Oosten. Eerste deel, Utrecht: G. van den
Brink / Amsterdam: Wed. van Esveld en Holtrop, 1779, pp. 201-202: “Zulk
eene vind ik al zo groot, en zelfs grooter, dan de nieuwe en groote
ontdekkingen, wardoor de heer Barthelemy zig in the waereld zo bekend gemaakt
heeft, dat men van hem, die het Europa Europa de eerste geleerd heeft, den tijd
kan rékenen, waarin men in staat is, om Phénicische en Palmyreensche
opschriften te kunnen lézen, waartoe men te voren niet eens het alphabet
kende.”
[8] J.J.
Björnstähls Reize door Europa en het Oosten. Deerde deel, Utrecht: G. van den
Brink / Amsterdam: Wed. van Esveld en Holtrop, 1782, p. 268: “Ik zal
mijnen brief met den heer Swinton eindigen. Deze man is, gelijk men weet,
beroemd wégens zijne geschriften, de oude, inzonderheid de Phenicische, munten
en opschriften betreffende, en die in de Engelsche Transactions te vinden zijn.“
Heading of Karl Gottfried Woide’s Mémoire from the Journal des Savants, June 1774, p. 333-343.
Friday No. 18, February 1st, 2019
In one of my last posts I have been questioning if having pupils is indeed conducive to being remembered as a scholar and ended on a somewhat sceptical note. But there is no end to learning, and so I would like to take the opportunity today to shed some light on an example of a pupil’s network that really efficiently did so.
1704 –
1716: A triangular correspondence
To make clear how the following connects to my overall project, let’s first have a look at a (perhaps) somewhat unusual kind of correspondence.
Communication between Cuper, de la Croze, and Reland: Persons in red, letters in yellow, printed publications mentioned in green, and institutions mentioned in black.
This depicts the correspondences between Adrien Reland, Gijsbert Cuper (1644-1716) and Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze (1661-1739) between 1704 and 1716 as far as I have already been able to incorporate them into my database. As it looks like, they were all three very much connected, be it indirectly by way of referring to the same people (red dots), publications (green dots), institutions (black dots) or letters (yellow dots), or by relating to each other directly. But this picture is a bit misleading, one might say, because if only sender-receiver relations are visualized without taking the content of the letters into account, it looks like this.
Letters (yellow) exchanged between Cuper, de la Croze, and Reland (red); the only three letters between Reland and de la Croze highlighted in blue
There seems to have been almost no direct epistolary connection between de la Croze and Reland; at least, I have only found three letters until now. But as they were taken from the selected edition of de la Croze’s letters, published between 1742 and 1746 (fully digitized by Mannheim university), which includes none of the Cuper-la Croze letters, presumably because they were written in French, it may be assumed that there were some more.
Be that as it may, there was a huge amount of indirect communication going on between de la Croze and Reland by way of Cuper. Both would ask Cuper to deliver questions or answers to the other, and Cuper did so. What emerged was a strange triangular correspondence pattern between these three scholars. Now two of the three letters between Reland and de la Croze mention a certain David Wilkins (Wilke, 1685-1745), and that will become interesting in a minute.
A
posthumous publication
In June 1774, the Journal des Savants announced the upcoming publication of the Lexicon ægyptiaco-latinum, to be printed in Oxford at the Clarendon Press in 1775,[1] in a short piece entitled Mémoire de M. Woide, sur le Dictionnaire Cophte qu’il va publier à Oxford, & sur les Sçavans qui ont étudié la Langue Cophte. Adressée à Messieurs les Auteurs du Journal des Sçavans.[2] This piece was remarkable insofar as its author, Karl Gottfried Woide (Charles Godfrey, 1725-1790), the editor of the announced work, not only gave a detailed account of the state of the field of Coptic studies as he perceived it, but also of the genesis of the book itself, which at the time had become something like a lost learned heirloom. It was based on a manuscript that Maturin Veyssière de la Croze had compiled until 1721, but never published, and left to his former pupil Charles-Étienne Jordan (1700-1745) when he died in 1739 together with his library. After Jordan’s death in 1745, the manuscript was sold together with Jordan’s library by Jordan’s brothers, and acquired by Leiden University. In 1750, Woide had gone there to copy the manuscript, and this copy now formed the basis for the printed edition.[3] This would have been less remarkable where it not for the interconnections between the persons entangled in this research action. For, Woide maintained, he originally copied the manuscript for his use and that of Christian Scholtz (1697-1777) from whom he had learned his Coptic. Scholtz, who may have commissioned the copy,[4] was second court preacher in Berlin and had himself learned his Coptic from his brother-in-law Paul Ernst Jablonski (1693-1757), who in turn had learned his Coptic from Maturin Veyssière de la Croze, and who had supplied de la Croze with many of the primary materials needed for the compilation of the dictionary in question. Karl Gottfried Woide thus was, if I may put it that way, a fourth-generation scholarly descendant of de la Croze, working within a net of other former pupils or connections of his teacher’s teacher’s teacher.
As Woide
now brought the copy of de la Croze’s manuscript back to Berlin, Scholtz
started working on it, preparing it for print and adding annotations of his
own. But it fell to Woide to actually secure an opportunity for publication
through his contact with Oxford university, where he found a printer willing to
publish de la Croze’s Coptic dictionary as edited by Scholtz and revised by
Woide.
Back to the
beginning
And now the
circle closes back to the beginning of this post, for Woide in his Mémoir not only referred to de la Croze
and his scholars but also to those other savants of note who had been working
on the subject of Coptic. In doing so, he not only mentioned Adrien Reland but
also David Wilkins, both of which had collaborated with de la Croze to
establish a Coptic version of the Lord’s prayer to be included in John
Chamberlayne’s (1668/9-1723) Oratio
dominica in diversas omnium fere gentium linguas of 1715,[5]
which is precisely what the edited Reland-de la Croze letters I mentioned touch
upon. Wilkins in turn had offered de la Croze to print his dictionary in
England at some point in time, but de la Croze had denied the offer.[6]
Woide also mentioned, although on short notice, Eusèbe Renaudot as one among
the number of learned scholars of Coptic; perhaps on short notice as Renaudot
had always maintained good relations with the Maurists of St.-Germain-des-Pres whom
de la Croze had fled in 1696 to become a Calvinist.
And, last but not least, Woide provided the additional detail that another scholar reoccurring rather often throughout my last posts here also was in on it, for when the proofs for the dictionary were at Oxford they were given to John Swinton (1703-1777), “known for his research in antiquities”,[7] to be seen through and corrected.
Proliferation
by pupils
So this
seems to be a point in time when at least two of my protagonists were posthumously
reunited for a brief moment through their scholarly endeavours. Yet this had
only become possible through the collective endeavours of de la Croze’s pupils
over a period of more than three decades after his death. This might indicate
that if pupils shall benefit a scholar’s posthumous memory, this may only happen
through emergent effects from a working network of pupils at the time of the
individual scholar’s death, focusing on a collective goal – as the study of
Coptic in de la Croze’s case. One more hypothesis to test!
[1] Charles Godfrey Woide (ed.), Christian
Scholtz (contr.), Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze: Lexicon
ægyptiaco-latinum : ex veteribus illius linguæ monumentis summo studio
collectum et elaboratum a Maturino Veyssiere la Croze. Quod in compendium
redegit, ita ut nullae Voces Aegyptiacae, nullaeque earum significationes
omitterentur, Christianus Scholtz: Aulae Regiae Borussiacae a concionibus
sacris, et Ecclesiae Reformatae Cathedralis Berolinensis Pastor. Notulas
quasdam, et indices adjecit Carolus Godofredus Woide, Oxford: Clarendon Press
1775.
[2] Charles Godfrey Woide: Mémoire de M. Woide, sur le Dictionnaire
Cophte qu’il va publier à Oxford, & sur les Sçavans
qui ont étudié la Langue Cophte. Adressée à Messieurs les Auteurs du Journal
des Sçavans, in : Journal des Savants 109, June 1774, pp. 333-343.
[5] John
Chamberlayne: Oratio dominica in diversas omnium fere gentium linguas versa et
propriis cujusque linguae characteribus expressa, una cum dissertationibus
nonnullis de linguarum origine, variisque ipsarum permutationibus. Editore
Joanne Chamberlayno anglo-britanno, Regiae societatis Londinensis &
Berolinensis socio,
[6] Charles Godfrey Woide: Mémoire de M. Woide, sur le Dictionnaire
Cophte, p. 334.
[7] Ibid., p. 337: „connu par ses recherches
dans les antiquités ».